Chalkbeat

2-K, contract delays, pay parity: Mamdani taps new early childhood education head at critical moment

2026-09-08T17:15:00+00:00

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With just two days until the start of the new school year and a preschool payment crisis still simmering, Mayor Zohran Mamdani on Tuesday named a new leader for the beleaguered office in charge of executing his ambitious childcare agenda.

Erica Phillips, a nonprofit leader with a history of supporting family childcare providers, will take over as deputy chancellor for the Education Department’s Division of Early Childhood Education at a critical juncture.

The inaugural year of Mamdani’s signature free childcare program for 2-year-olds is set to start Thursday, along with city-funded 3-K and pre-K programs for tens of thousands of 3 and 4-year-olds.

But the division is still digging out of a severe contract backlog that pushed some providers to the brink of closure. A Mamdani spokesperson last week called the delays “unacceptable,” and officials launched an “all government” effort to rush payments to providers before the start of school.

Phillips’ appointment will thrust her into a highly visible and challenging position managing the sprawling and disjointed childcare system. How she shepherds the division over the coming months will play a critical role in how effectively Mamdani delivers on perhaps his most high-profile policy pledge. The 2-K program launching this year for 2,000 toddlers is expected to grow sixfold by next fall, enrolling 12,000 kids. Mamdani has promised it will be available to every 2-year-old in the city who wants a spot by the end of his first term, though Gov. Kathy Hochul has only committed funding for the first two years.

Erica Phillips, the new Deputy Chancellor for Early Childhood Education. Courtesy of Erica Phillips

Phillips is beginning her preparations this week and will officially take over in mid-September, she said.

“I’m eager to get started,” Phillips told Chalkbeat. “What the city is doing is ambitious and exciting, and there is a lot of work and opportunities here.”

She added that she is “confident in the plan” Mamdani and schools Chancellor Kamar Samuels have put forward to ensure providers have what they need to start the school year.

“In the weeks, months and years ahead, Deputy Chancellor Phillips and Chancellor Samuels will show New Yorkers what it looks like when government works for every family,” Mamdani said in a statement.

Getting there will require a massive operational push in the Division of Early Childhood Education, which oversees publicly funded programs for some 150,000 kids under age 5.

Taking over a division that has been battered

Phillips steps into the leadership role of a division that has been battered by years of staff cuts and turmoil.

Former Mayor Bill de Blasio ramped up the division’s headcount and responsibility when he rolled out his universal prekindergarten initiative starting in 2014. By the time he left office in 2022, the division had roughly 1,170 employees, according to an Education Department spokesperson.

De Blasio’s successor, Eric Adams, scaled back de Blasio’s promise to make 3-K universal, emphasizing the need to fill the thousands of vacant pre-K and 3-K seats that emerged following the COVID-19 pandemic. He proposed hundreds of millions of dollars in cuts to the system, many of which were ultimately reversed.

Many of the key staffers who built up the division during the de Blasio years left when Adams took office, and former Chancellor David Banks and former division head Kara Ahmed reassigned hundreds of other division staffers as part of a broader reorganization.

By August 2024, the division had 495 employees — less than half of the number just two and a half years earlier.

Current and former staffers and people who work closely with the division say the deep staffing cuts have affected every aspect of the office’s work — from its capacity to monitor and support providers, to its ability to quickly respond to logistical and financial questions, to the speed at which the division can approve new contracts.

“It’s quite staggering,” said Nora Moran, the policy director for United Neighborhood Houses, an umbrella organization that represents childcare providers. “It’s going to take a long time to rebuild what was there.”

There are currently about 560 employees in the division, and 86 vacant positions that the Education Department is trying to fill, a spokesperson said. On top of that, Mamdani last week pledged a $43 million investment to hire an additional 200 staffers.

Phillips said rebuilding staffing is a “huge priority” and added that she’s “deeply appreciative of staff who have held together the division.” She said she doesn’t have a final headcount goal in mind yet, but said she hopes to “have a division that looks more like it did before the reductions.”

Phillips’ appointment reflects key role for family childcare

The July announcement that former early childhood chief Simone Hawkins was departing sent shockwaves through the early childhood sector. Hawkins, a longtime government employee in both the Education and Health Departments with expertise in the complex budget and contract processes that hold up the early childhood system, had served in the role since summer 2024.

Some advocates said Hawkins had made positive changes, including loosening a curriculum mandate imposed by her predecessor. Phillips told Chalkbeat that she supported continuing to give providers flexibility in their curriculum choices.

Other parent leaders expressed concerns about the departure of the only Black woman serving as a deputy chancellor in the Education Department. Phillips, like Hawkins, is a Black woman.

Phillips will work alongside Emmy Liss, the executive director of the Mayor’s Office of Childcare and Early Childhood Education — an office created by Adams and expanded by Mamdani to coordinate childcare efforts across city agencies.

Phillips most recently served as the director of the National Association for Family Child Care, an organization that does policy advocacy and support for home-based childcare providers. Before that, Phillips served as president of All Our Kin, another national nonprofit dedicated to supporting family childcare providers, and she founded multiple networks that help family childcare providers contract with the city government.

Phillips acknowledged she hasn’t worked directly in city government, but said she has a “deep understanding of the full early childhood landscape.”

Her appointment reflects the key role that family childcare providers, who often run small programs and operate on razor-thin margins, will play in the 2-K rollout and any later efforts to expand free childcare to babies and infants.

Many of those providers were largely left out of the previous 3-K and pre-K expansions. Some have bristled at the requirement to join a network that provides additional oversight, monitoring, and contracting support. And even with city funding, many home-based providers are just scraping by, earning an average of just $6 an hour, a recent report found.

Phillips said it’s “unacceptable” for home-based providers to earn so little, and it will be a “priority” to “really tackle what pay parity means to make sure that family child care providers and all early child providers are receiving compensation for the work that they’re doing.”

But she pledged to continue expanding the system, even as she works to shore up the foundation.

“We have to do both,” she said. “Fix those longstanding issues but also continue to work towards this vision of universal childcare.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC’s new school AI ban explained: What’s changing? What’s still murky?

2026-09-02T21:58:19+00:00

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After months of waiting, Mayor Zohran Mamdani on Wednesday released the outlines of New York City’s approach to dealing with artificial intelligence and screen time in schools next year.

But just eight days before the start of the school year, there are still many details to be worked out.

The city will ban student-facing generative AI tools, like chatbots and tutors that respond to prompts, in preschool- through eighth-grade classrooms, while allowing limited AI use in high school. It will also limit screen time for younger kids.

Officials said they’re “disabling” AI features on 38 software programs already in use in city schools, but haven’t shared what those products are. Officials posted the written guidance online Wednesday evening.

NYC to ban student AI tools in 2-K through 8th grade and limit classroom screen time

The policy opens up a host of thorny new questions, including how the city will determine what level of AI is acceptable in tech products, what happens to existing programs that violate the policy, and how the guidelines will be enforced.

And city officials have admitted they have little hard data on how much AI is currently in use across the 1,600 schools. They declined to release the results of a survey asking schools about AI use, despite repeated requests.

The new policy, which Mamdani described as the “broadest generative AI moratorium in the nation,” has already drawn a mix of reactions.

A coalition of advocates pushing for a two-year moratorium on AI use said the new policy is a “step in the right direction,” but raised concerns about pilot programs that will allow tens of thousands of high school students to use tools involving generative AI.

Others said the new policy will be disruptive for schools. Richard Buery, a former deputy mayor and CEO of the Robin Hood Foundation, said educators are already using tech tools to quickly generate lessons that parents can use for their children at home or get faster feedback on their students’ classroom assignments.

“While well-intentioned, a blanket one-year AI ban, without exceptions, on all uses through middle school is not the right call,” he said in a statement.

Here’s what we know so far, and what we’re still waiting to learn.

How long will the AI moratorium last?

The prohibition on student-facing AI tools from preschool through eighth grade will run for at least this coming school year. City officials vowed to convene a coalition of educators, students, parents, union officials, and experts to help assess the policy and whether to change it in the future.

Which specific products are being banned, and who decides?

New York City principals can buy education technology in two basic ways: For smaller purchases, they can contract directly with a vendor. For larger ones, they generally have to use a vendor that already has a citywide contract with the Education Department.

Mamdani described the AI moratorium as the most sweeping in the nation. But key details are still unclear.

Mamdani said Wednesday that the Education Department is “disabling” AI features in 38 existing citywide ed tech contracts. Officials haven’t provided a list of those companies. But Mamdani’s education adviser Ailish Brady said that the widely used digital tutor Amira and the digital version of the Houghton Mifflin Harcourt reading curriculum — the most popular of the three mandated NYC Reads literacy programs — will both “turn off” their AI components.

A spokesperson for HMH said “there is no student-facing AI in Into Reading,” the company’s elementary school reading curriculum.

An Amira spokesperson said the product is currently used in 222 schools, and that the company has reached out to the Education Department for clarity on what the new AI policy will mean for the product.

Brady didn’t directly respond to a question about whether Google’s AI chatbot Gemini, which comes pre-loaded on many students’ Chromebook laptops, would be disabled. But advocates who met with city officials said they were told that Gemini would be shut off.

In cases where a company can’t simply turn off the AI features of a product, the city will no longer use that product, Brady added.

How city officials will determine whether AI has been sufficiently scrubbed from a product isn’t clear.

After freezing all new education purchases for nearly two months, officials gave principals the green light Wednesday to resume buying software, with a big caveat. Any new request for ed tech under $25,000 will now undergo an extra layer of review from the Education Department’s IT, legal, and contracts teams, Deputy Chancellor Lindsey Oates told principals in a Monday webinar. Oates warned the reviews will “take some time,” potentially creating an additional bottleneck in a contracting process that can already be slow.

Who will be exempt from the ban?

Technology that supports students with disabilities and English language learners with specific educational needs will be exempt, officials said. Brady offered examples: an eye-tracking technology that helps students with cerebral palsy type and an Education Department-created program called Hello App that helps students learning English communicate with teachers.

There will also be exceptions for required reading and math assessments that students take on computers to track their progress throughout the year.

How is AI being used in high schools?

High schools have the most leeway with AI tools and are allowed to use them in career and technical education programs. There are also five AI pilot programs involving generative tools that city officials have already approved, ranging from platforms that help students conduct close analysis of texts to a math program that prompts students to explain their thinking. The five programs are: Quill, Edia, Brisk Teaching, Playlab, and Intel AI-Ready Schools.

Officials said a maximum of 50,000 high school students would participate in those pilot programs, or roughly 17% of all high school students.

How will students learn AI literacy?

All high school students across the city will be required to complete two 45-minute AI literacy modules every year that cover the basics of AI, as well as issues related to bias and misinformation.

Which students do the new screen time recommendations apply to?

The city’s youngest students — from preschool to second grade — are not supposed to use individual laptops and other devices under the new policy. In grades 3-5, students are allowed to use individual devices but for no more than 30 minutes a day, officials recommend. In middle school, the recommended limit is 45 minutes. There are no screen time guidelines for high school.

As school districts across the nation are moving to limit screens, one reason some are allowing devices beginning in third grade: It’s the year state testing begins, and exams are increasingly administered digitally, including in New York.

How will teachers be allowed to use AI?

Teachers are allowed to use AI tools to help plan lessons, translate materials, or draft communications, according to an Education Department summary of the policy. They may not use AI tools to grade student work, monitor behavior, develop special education plans, or assist with student mental health challenges.

How will this be enforced?

Officials didn’t spell out any clear enforcement mechanism for ensuring schools adhere to the AI policy.

Mamdani conceded much of the enforcement will have to happen at the classroom and school level. “Whenever there’s been a shift, teachers have had to be at the forefront,” he said during the press conference. “And so we trust that teachers, principals, superintendents will be there.”

He added that central Education Department officials will subject all new ed tech purchase requests to a “rigorous” review process.

United Federation of Teachers President Michael Mulgrew, who has recently clashed with Mamdani on several major policy priorities, expressed concern that it will largely fall on “school communities or individual educators to figure out after the fact if what their school uses fits the new policy.”

What about students using AI outside of school?

One of the big critiques of the Education Department’s first draft of the AI guidance from March was that it completely dodged the biggest question on many teachers’ minds: how to respond to students using AI outside of school, including to cheat on writing assignments.

So far, the new guidance doesn’t seem to offer any more specifics on that front. Samuels noted that teachers have been dealing with the AI cheating issue for years (many schools developed their own AI policies while waiting for citywide guidance) and emphasized that schools will need to enlist parents for support.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Alex Zimmerman is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

Mamdani pledges $43 million to fix NYC childcare payment delays before school starts

2026-08-31T18:47:31+00:00

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Mayor Zohran Mamdani on Monday pledged to address payment delays that are threatening the rollout of his signature free childcare program for 2-year-olds and pushing some providers to the brink of closure ahead of the Sept. 10 school opening.

Mamdani, who made the expansion of free childcare a major plank of his mayoral campaign, pledged to invest $43 million to rebuild depleted staffing at the Education Department’s Division of Early Childhood Education. He also vowed to reassign staffers from other parts of city government to help speed up the registration of new contracts and expedite interest-free loans to providers whose contracts haven’t been approved.

“We are bringing every resource to bear to get providers paid, get classrooms open and make sure families have the care they were promised,” Mamdani said in a statement.

At an unrelated press conference Monday, Mamdani said the Education Department has reached out to every childcare provider and tripled the number of staffers working on contracts. Providers who applied for a loan by Monday will have it processed by the end of the week, he added.

The inaugural year of free 2-K is set to enroll roughly 2,000 toddlers across five school districts. But some 2-K providers, as well as those contracting with the city to care for 3- and 4-year-olds, have been waiting weeks or months for money they need to pay staff, cover their electric bills, and purchase supplies.

“That puts a stress on providers, not knowing when you’re going to get paid,” said Doris Irrizary, a childcare provider in the Bronx and co-founder of the group ECE on The Move, which advocates on behalf of home-based providers. “Most of us live check to check.”

To provide subsidized childcare for about 150,000 kids under age 5, New York City’s Education Department relies on a sprawling system of private daycare operators like Irrizary who win contracts from the city to provide programs that are free to families.

Contract and payment delays have bedeviled that system for more than a decade. When former Mayor Bill de Blasio launched his Universal Prekindergarten program for 4-year-olds in 2014, roughly two-thirds of the new contracts were delayed by the start of school in September, the comptroller at the time said. In the years that followed, the early childhood department gradually built up the personnel and expertise to help mitigate those delays, former staffers recalled.

But when Mayor Eric Adams took office in 2022, the Division of Early Childhood Education faced a rocky transition. Some longtime staffers left, and the city reassigned hundreds of others as part of a reorganization, including 200 instructional coordinators who worked directly with providers.

Payment delays to providers again grew so acute that some organizations closed their doors for good. That prompted former Chancellor David Banks to deploy a “rapid response team” to speed up payments.

City officials say the staffing reductions from the Adams administration continue to hamstring the early childhood division. An Education Department spokesperson didn’t share the division’s current headcount and how it compares to past years. But Mamdani has pledged to hire 200 new staffers to expand the contracting and outreach teams and ensure there are more staffers providing direct support to programs.

Mamdani’s administration has already faced some operational complexity in recruiting providers — particularly the small, home-based providers who have largely been left out of past childcare expansions — and getting the word out about the program. The program is set to expand to 12,000 2-year-olds next year, and Mamdani has promised it will grow to cover any family who needs care by the end of his first term.

In July, Simone Hawkins, the deputy chancellor overseeing the Division of Early Childhood Education, announced her departure — a worrying sign for some advocates who said Hawkins was making long-needed changes. Mamdani and schools Chancellor Kamar Samuels have not yet named a replacement.

Some longtime providers are hopeful that the latest efforts can speed up payments, but wary after seeing similar reforms come and go over the past decade.

“To me, they keep on reinventing the wheel,” said Irrizary. The pressure to quickly open 2-K seats put further strain on a system already dealing with existing issues, such as low pay for providers, a long waitlist for state-funded childcare vouchers, and thousands of unfilled seats, she said.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Eric Adams inked a $200 million internet deal for student Chromebooks. Mamdani is canceling it.

2026-08-27T16:58:47+00:00

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A year ago, former Mayor Eric Adams launched a sweeping, and costly, new plan to bridge the digital divide in the city’s public schools: purchasing 350,000 new Chromebook laptops equipped with free T-Mobile internet service.

The four-year contract, set to cost the city nearly $330 million, aimed to help schools with large shares of low-income and homeless families whose students lacked internet access outside of school.

But a year into the contract, Adams’ successor, Mayor Zohran Mamdani, is canceling the T-Mobile internet service portion of the contract, which costs the city roughly $3.5 million per month, officials said Thursday. Over the full four years of the contract, the internet service was expected to cost around $200 million.

Mamdani’s administration, which is looking to cut costs amid a multibillion-dollar budget deficit, said the city was paying for more internet coverage than necessary and could secure internet service for students who need it at a lower cost. Officials didn’t immediately say how much they expect to save.

The T-Mobile contract “duplicated existing resources at an unnecessary cost,” Education Department spokesperson Nicole Brownstein said. “By discontinuing this component of this contract, we are saving taxpayer dollars while continuing to deliver the internet connectivity we know our school communities rely on.”

The move also comes amid a growing backlash against the reliance on technology in city classrooms. Critics, including some parents and educators, say screen time has become too pervasive, detracting from learning.

Even before the city inked the T-Mobile contract, an existing program allowed principals to secure LTE service for students who need it for $10 per student per month, Education Department officials said. Officials said that service comes through Verizon, and can add internet to any school-issued Chromebooks or iPads.

Officials notified principals Thursday that the T-Mobile student data plans will end Aug. 31. They asked school leaders to compile lists of students who need internet access and purchase service through the Verizon program by the start of school on Sept. 10. Officials said they have already purchased all 350,000 Chromebooks and distributed them to schools, but didn’t say how many were given to students or how many students were using the internet service.

Several principals, who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal, described mixed experiences with the massive internet-enabled laptop distribution.

At one Manhattan high school, about one in five students used the new devices and relied on them to connect to the internet at home, according to the school leader.

The principal worried that ending the T-Mobile contract would shift more costs to the school’s budget.

But at a Brooklyn high school, dozens of the computers sit unused in a storage room.

“It’s a tremendous waste,” the principal said, adding that students prefer to access the internet through their phones. Plus, the school has shifted away from using Chromebooks during class because of concerns that an overreliance on technology was getting in the way of student learning, the principal said.

Some officials and lawmakers began expressing concerns about the T-Mobile contract in the months after it was signed, New York Focus reported last December. One official told the outlet that the city did not approach competing wireless providers, and was stuck paying a flat fee for the service regardless of how many students used it.

Lawmakers also worried the city was paying for internet service for far more students than needed it. A state Education Department survey from 2020 estimated that about 13% of the city’s public school students lacked sufficient internet at home, according to New York Focus. The city’s public schools currently enroll about 793,000 K-12 students, meaning about 104,000 would lack internet if the 13% estimate held.

City officials said in 2025 that about 30% of households, containing around 2.5 million residents, did not have both home broadband and mobile internet access. City officials have separately launched efforts to improve Wi-Fi in homeless shelters.

Adams said the T-Mobile school internet deal was funded in part by savings the city made through another deal that made T-Mobile the city’s major service carrier.

The Education Department spends roughly $13 billion a year on contracts, and Mamdani has identified the agency’s contracting — and particularly its spending on student devices — as ripe for cost-cutting.

Officials said the T-Mobile contract was approved by the Panel for Educational Policy, which oversees Education Department contracts, but was held by the city’s Office of Technology and Innovation.

City officials purchased and distributed some 725,000 devices for students during the COVID pandemic but have not tracked how many of those devices remain operational.

Gov. Kathy Hochul, who instituted a statewide bell-to-bell cellphone ban last school year, is considering imposing limits on screen time for younger kids. The Education Department is revising its artificial intelligence guidance for schools and has barred schools from purchasing new software until the guidance is finalized.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

2-K offers are out: 2,000 NYC toddlers get spots, 5,700 apply

2026-08-04T13:00:00+00:00

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Roughly 2,000 families received offers for a spot in the inaugural year of 2-K, New York City’s new free childcare program for 2-year-olds, officials announced Tuesday.

Around 5,700 families applied for the initial 2,000 seats, which were restricted to priority neighborhoods in Manhattan, Brooklyn, Queens, and the Bronx.

“Today represents a monumental step on the path to universal childcare here in New York City,” Mayor Zohran Mamdani said at a press conference Tuesday morning in the Bronx. Mamdani made expanding free childcare a key campaign pledge.

“We are writing a better chapter for … the generations of New Yorkers many years from now who will start families here in our city and who will not need to worry about leaving their job or moving out of the neighborhood they love to make it all work,” he said.

The release of the offers comes after city officials spent months spreading the word about the new program with events such as a “2K for 2-K” road race in Manhattan’s Fort Tryon Park and a jingle contest judged by Cardi B and Lin-Manuel Miranda.

The initial interest in 2-K comes as welcome news for Mamdani after his administration’s efforts to boost publicity for the city’s 3-K and prekindergarten programs didn’t lead to an increase in applications. Those programs, while wildly popular and oversubscribed in some neighborhoods, have struggled with thousands of empty seats in other parts of the city.

Officials didn’t share any details about how the initial round of applications and offers were distributed between the priority neighborhoods: Washington Heights and Inwood in Manhattan, Canarsie and Brownsville in Brooklyn, Ozone Park and the Rockaways in Queens, and Fordham, Belmont, Riverdale and other nearby neighborhoods in the Bronx.

Emmy Liss, the executive director of the mayor’s Office for Childcare and Early Childhood Education, said the “majority” of the children who received offers live in the priority districts. Officials prioritized applicants who have siblings at the program they applied to, or were already attending that program, and those who live in the same district, Liss said.

More than 80% of applicants got into one of their top three choices, and more than half got into their first choice, officials said. Families that applied and didn’t get an offer will automatically be added to waitlists.

In a press release Tuesday morning, officials said that the application results from this year would help guide the expansion of the program next year. Mamdani has pledged that the program will grow to 12,000 seats next year and expand citywide by the end of his first term, though Gov. Kathy Hochul has only committed funding for the first two years. A report released Monday by the Center for New York City Affairs found that it will likely cost around $9 billion to provide free universal childcare for all children under age 5, about $5 billion more than the city is currently spending,

Officials haven’t yet shared where the additional 10,000 2-K seats for next year will be located, except that they will likely add seats in the priority neighborhoods and some of the new seats will be in Staten Island, the only borough not a part of this year’s 2-K rollout.v

Seats are split between center and home-based programs. Unlike 3-K and pre-K, which mostly follow the K-12 school calendar, most 2-K seats are free from 8 a.m. to 6 p.m., year-round.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Eric Adams mandated NYC preschools adopt a single curriculum. Under Mamdani, they’re getting more choice.

2026-07-29T20:27:20+00:00

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New York City Education Department officials in recent months quietly relaxed a controversial curriculum mandate for early childhood education programs, Chalkbeat has learned.

The 2023 mandate, part of former Mayor Eric Adams’ sweeping NYC Reads curriculum overhaul, required all classrooms in the city’s publicly funded early childhood education system to adopt The Creative Curriculum, a nationally-used program created by the Washington, D.C.-based Teaching Strategies. It applied to some 140,000 kids ages 5 and under in the city’s free infant and toddler, 3-K, and prekindergarten classrooms, whether in home-based programs, community-run facilities, or public schools.

The move drew backlash from some educators and early childhood education experts who argued it burdened teachers with bureaucratic busywork and diminished their ability to tailor lessons to their students’ specific needs and backgrounds.

But in guidance released late this spring, city officials gave providers a new option: They can now apply to use a different curriculum. Applications must include parent and teacher input and select a curriculum from the city’s pre-approved list of eight curricula.

“Every early care and education program serves a unique community that they know best,” said Education Department spokesperson Dominique Ellison. The new approach “gives educators and programs leaders the flexibility to make informed choices, backed by data and quality assurance, rather than a one-size-fits-all mandate.”

Education Department officials didn’t say how many providers applied or were approved to switch curriculums. City officials also left in place what educators have described as the mandate’s most controversial element: Providers must still use a data-heavy assessment system called GOLD, which accompanies The Creative Curriculum, even if they switch curriculums. GOLD asks teachers to regularly evaluate students on dozens of objectives in areas like math, language, and social emotional development.

Still, loosening the early childhood mandate marks perhaps the most significant step so far under Mayor Zohran Mamdani to dial back curriculum mandates imposed under Adams.

“It is a big shift,” said Shael Polakow-Suranksy, president of Bank Street College of Education and a former deputy chancellor in the city Education Department. “And it’s very responsive to what the field has been asking for over the last few years.”

A sweeping change draws backlash

The early childhood mandate got less public attention than the city’s math and literacy overhauls for K-12 schools, but it was no less sweeping.

Before 2023, many programs used Units of Study, a curriculum developed by city teachers during former Mayor Bill de Blasio’s pre-K expansion. Others used more specialized approaches like Reggio Emilia or Montessori, educators said.

But by spring 2024, roughly 90% of early childhood programs had switched to The Creative Curriculum and its accompanying assessment system, former Deputy Chancellor for Early Childhood Education Kara Ahmed said at the time.

“I can take you to a school in Staten Island, and I can take you to a school in Brooklyn, or Queens on the same day, and all the early childhood kids are all working from the same playbook,” former Chancellor David Banks said in 2024, calling the shift “absolutely amazing.”

The Creative Curriculum has been around for decades, and is structured around broad topics such as balls and trees, with activities that allow kids to explore and investigate.

City officials argued that standardization would make it easier to monitor programs and guarantee quality across the city. The mandate also included training for teachers.

But People’s Early Childhood Education, an advocacy group of providers, Education Department staffers, and others, began organizing opposition to the mandate.

Some educators highlighted the contrast between The Creative Curriculum and Units of Study. The latter was translated into 11 languages and included New York City-specific lessons, such as a transportation unit covering subways and buses and a housing unit that highlighted apartments. The Creative Curriculum, meanwhile, is only available in English and Spanish, and educators said its units often felt generic.

“It doesn’t feel authentic,” said one longtime early childhood educator at a 2024 forum organized by Bank Street. “It just didn’t represent my kids.”

Educators noted that the pre-K Creative Curriculum repeated the same unit topics as the 3-K edition, leaving some kids disengaged.

Assessment system sparks ongoing concerns

Some educators who have used the curriculum for years said it became more regimented and less engaging after a private equity firm purchased Teaching Strategies.

The city Education Department has paid Teaching Strategies nearly $33 million since summer 2023, according to Checkbook NYC.

Particularly concerning for many teachers was the GOLD assessment system designed to accompany the curriculum. GOLD requires teachers to evaluate each child across dozens of different metrics three times a year and include evidence, such as observational notes, photos, or work samples, for each score. That could amount to over 1,000 entries every three months for a single class of 18, pre-K teacher Helen Frazier wrote for Chalkbeat in 2023. The system then automatically generates lesson plans and small-group activities based on those assessment results, several educators said.

“It was the antithesis of everything that is so positive about education,” said Alice Mulligan, the director of Our Saviours Lutheran Preschool in Bay Ridge, Brooklyn. Mulligan, a longtime contractor with the city Education Department, said she refused to comply with the city’s mandate, even after officials told her that her contract could be terminated.

An Education Department spokesperson said the agency is maintaining the requirement to use GOLD, regardless of which curriculum a program chooses, to keep a standardized way of measuring students’ progress across the city.

The list of other pre-approved curriculum options includes Units of Study, as well as Explorations, Let’s Play, and Connections, all created by the Education Department for younger kids, according to a document obtained by Chalkbeat. HighScope and Tools of the Mind, two other nationally-used curriculums, are also options, along with more specialized programs for kids learning English and kids with disabilities.

Montessori schools, which were previously required to use the Creative Curriculum, can also apply to switch back to the Montessori curriculum.

The curriculum mandate change moves the early childhood system in a different direction than K-12 schools, where Chancellor Kamar Samuels not only has kept existing literacy and math curriculum mandates in elementary and high schools, but has expanded them to new grades.

While a small number of high-performing elementary and high schools have received waivers from the literacy and math curriculum mandates, there’s no formal process for schools to apply or clear criteria by which the waivers are awarded.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

New campaign aims to dispel cannabis myths for NY teens after legalization

2026-07-13T21:10:53+00:00

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In the five years since New York legalized cannabis, educators across the city have seen an uptick in student marijuana use spilling into the school day and grappled with how to respond.

As smoke shops proliferated, teens had more access to potent products, and some used cannabis to self-medicate mental health challenges that spiked in the wake of the pandemic, educators previously told Chalkbeat. Many educators said they felt ill-equipped to respond to students using cannabis during school or showing up high to class.

Now, a new set of educational resources developed by the state’s Office of Cannabis Management could help fill that gap.

“What we heard when we brought together everyone from school nurses to superintendents to assistant superintendents, to principals, to teachers … everyone asked for resources,” said Lyla Hunt, the director of public health and education at the state’s cannabis management office. They wanted to understand the cannabis landscape post-legalization, saying, “‘We need that information in order to better serve the people we serve.’”

The education program, called Cannabis Honestly, is geared toward young people and trusted adults in their lives trying to navigate a murky cannabis landscape. The resources, released on Monday, are based on 23 listening sessions with roughly 450 young people and caregivers throughout the state who shared their experience with cannabis and what kind of information they wanted.

Researchers found that many teens were still confused about some basic facts, with roughly a third incorrectly guessing the legal age of cannabis consumption in New York. (It’s 21.) Both young people and adults also expressed confusion about how to distinguish between sanctioned cannabis products and illicit ones. The materials point out that legal shops will have a QR code near the door to verify the store is licensed and will have the state logo on product packaging.

When asked why young people were turning to cannabis, youth participants overwhelmingly pointed to mental health challenges, with 85% of the young people surveyed raising it as an issue. Roughly 60% said they believed cannabis served a medicinal purpose, the listening sessions found.

More than half of the teens who participated also said they wanted a clearer understanding of how cannabis affects the brain and body. And they were clear in telling researchers that an education campaign that came across as too-heavy handed or moralizing would fall flat.

The educational materials include sections directly aimed at youth through a mix of comic-style graphics with frequently asked questions and blurbs, along with short videos. A section called “Weed 101” explains that using products with a higher concentration of THC can raise the risk of “greening out,” or getting so high that it triggers intense anxiety and physical side effects.

Other sections address the myths that people can’t get addicted to cannabis and that most teens are using the drug. In fact, roughly 17 of 20 teens across the state say they’re not using weed, according to the guidance.

The materials also include a choose-your-own-adventure-style interactive guide for how to have a conversation with a teenager about cannabis and resources designed specifically for parents who use the drug themselves.

The resources are available in English and Spanish and are available in print versions for free at the state’s cannabis education library. Hunt said these are exactly the types of materials that school counselors can have on hand when they have to call a parent about student cannabis use.

“When the parent goes home, they can continue to have the conversation,” Hunt said. “But also to support [the counselor] as they’re having that conversation as well.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Just 1 Black student gets into Staten Island Tech as racial gaps at specialized high schools persist

2026-07-10T21:52:19+00:00

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Of Staten Island Technical High School’s nearly 300 offers, just one went to a Black student.

At Stuyvesant, that number was three — the lowest number since at least 2014, which is as far back as the city’s public data goes. And at the High School for Mathematics, Science and Engineering, there were six Black students who received offers, according to Education Department admissions data released Friday.

The dearth of offers to Black students to the city’s eight schools that require the Specialized High School Admissions Test, or SHSAT, as the sole basis for admissions is nothing new.

And Mayor Zohran Mamdani, himself a specialized high school alum — he attended Bronx Science — plans to look more closely at the results, his spokesperson said.

“The mayor believes we must root out the deep racial and economic inequities that persist in our public school system, and our administration will be reviewing these results carefully,” Jenna Lyle, a spokesperson for the mayor, said.

About 3.5% of the roughly 4,000 offers in total went to Black students, edging up slightly from last year’s 3%. About 6.5% of offers went to Latino students, down slightly from 6.9% the year before.

Overall, Black students made up 19.3% of students this year; Latino students made up 42.3% of the nation’s largest school system. About 17% of the students who took the SHSAT last year are Black, while 25% are Latino.

The number of offers to Asian American students at specialized high schools ticked up to 56.5% from 54% the year before. Offers to white students fell slightly to 23.5% from about 26%. Asian American students make up 18.7% of students citywide; white students make up 16.1%.

The city’s specialized high schools enroll about 5% of the city’s public high school students, yet they draw an outsized amount of attention because they are often considered among the best in the country. For years, integration advocates have called to change the testing admissions system to these prestigious schools.

Mamdani said on the campaign trail that he would keep the SHSAT in place. (He did, however, say he would like to push back the start of gifted and talented programs from kindergarten.) Earlier in the mayor’s race, he indicated that he would order a study of racial and gender bias in the admissions exam. In a 2022 questionnaire before he ran for mayor, Mamdani said the test should be abolished.

Another 800 students were invited to participate in the Discovery program, which offers disadvantaged students who scored just below the test-score cutoff a chance to enroll in a specialized high school. The program faces ongoing legal challenges from families who say it discriminates against Asian American applicants. Of this year’s 800 Discovery participants, 11% are Black, 16% are Latino, 62% are Asian American, and 7% are white.

Roughly 26,100 students took the SHSAT, which was offered online for the first time. This coming year, the digital test will be computer adaptive, meaning that students’ responses will affect the level of difficulty of their subsequent questions.

Beyond the specialized high schools, about 58% of rising ninth graders got their first choice in high schools, and 82% received one of their top three choices. For middle school, 77% of rising sixth graders got their top choice, and 94% got into their top three schools. Those numbers were on par with the previous year, officials said.

A focus on 3-K expansion shows results

Mamdani, who didn’t make K-12 education a major focus of his campaign or his first six months in office, has devoted significant attention to expanding access to the city’s free childcare programs.

He launched a free program for 2-year-olds for the first time this year in five school districts for roughly 2,000 kids. Families who applied to that program will get their offers Aug. 4.

Despite an energetic effort to publicize the city’s free 3-K and prekindergarten programs, Mamdani’s administration did not see an uptick in those applications, which stayed flat compared to last year.

But officials did succeed in placing more 3-K applicants in programs closer to their homes in response to complaints from some families in previous years about having to make significant commutes with toddlers in tow. City officials added roughly 2,000 new 3-K seats in areas of high demand to address the issue.

This year, 70% of 3-K applicants got their first choice program, up from 65% last year, according to the Education Department data. Of the roughly 5,100 families who didn’t get into any of the 3-K programs they chose and had to be placed in a program by the Education Department, 63% were put in a program within a mile of their home — up from 39% last year.

Looking ahead, here are some key dates to know:

High school admissions will run from Oct. 6 to Dec. 4, with SHSAT registration closing on Oct. 30. Offers will be sent March 4, 2027.
Middle schools admissions will run from Oct. 14 to Dec. 11. Offers will be sent April 7, 2027.
Kindergarten admissions will run from Dec. 9 to Jan. 22, 2027. Offers will be sent March 30, 2027.
3-K and pre-K admissions will run from Jan. 13 to Feb. 26, 2027. Pre-K offers will be sent May 11, 2027, and 3-K offers will be sent May 18, 2027.

Amy Zimmer is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat New York. Contact Amy atazimmer@chalkbeat.org.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael atmelsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Kamar Samuels asks NYC schools to pause software purchases until AI guidance is final

2026-07-08T20:48:39+00:00

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New York City schools Chancellor Kamar Samuels asked principals this week to hold off on purchasing educational software until the Education Department finalizes guidance on artificial intelligence later this summer.

The software purchasing freeze is the most concrete step city officials have taken to limit schools’ access to AI and educational technology products amid growing pushback from families and educators over the potential harms for students.

Samuels made the request in a Monday email that was first Tweeted by independent journalist Susan Edelman and obtained by Chalkbeat.

“This necessary pause is part of our work to ensure proper protocols are in place while supporting our students and staff and making sure that any digital tool used in classrooms is properly assessed for safety and privacy,” Education Department spokesperson Nicole Brownstein said in an email.

The Education Department released its long-awaited initial AI guidance in March, sparking an outpouring of criticism that it did too little to curb AI use. Scores of parents and educators, along with more than half the members of the CIty Council, signed a push for an AI moratorium in city schools.

Samuels acknowledged in May that the city had “missed the mark” with its initial guidance and indicated that the final version would have more stringent rules on AI use, especially for younger students. Officials originally said the revised version would be released in June, but told the City Council last month that they were delaying it. The Education Department hasn’t given an updated timeline.

At the June hearing, Education Department officials struggled to answer questions about how many schools were using products with AI and which products they were using. With purchases largely made at the school level, they are not always tracked — an issue the state comptroller recently flagged as a significant concern. Officials have since sent out a survey asking schools which software products they use.

It’s not clear how many schools will be affected by the purchasing pause. Samuels noted that software required for “mandated services or school opening needs” would be exempt.

Several principals said the impact of the purchasing pause could be far-reaching at a time when school leaders are trying to get their plans in place for next year. Many schools rely on software programs for basic functions such as grades and attendance along with academic support.

Even when schools have used software programs for years, they often have to submit new purchase orders for the programs every year, making those programs potentially subject to the purchasing freeze.

One Manhattan principal, speaking on condition of anonymity to preserve their working relationship with district leadership, worried about the drastic changes so close to the start of the new school year and wished the Education Department could have finalized the guidance earlier.

“We have already built budgets, planned interventions, and made decisions about programs for next year,” the principal said. “Changing direction in July makes summer planning significantly more complicated and creates uncertainty about whether schools will have access to the tools they planned to use.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

What’s Mamdani’s agenda for K-12 education in NYC? 6 months in, it’s hard to say.

2026-07-07T21:43:20+00:00

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In his first six months in office, New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani has issued a steady stream of announcements and policy initiatives in the three areas that powered his affordability-focused campaign: childcare for kids 5 and younger, transportation, and housing.

But when it comes to K-12 public education — the largest operation under Mamdani’s control by both budget and headcount — the story has been quite different.

Out of the hundreds of press releases Mamdani sent out since his term began, just 11 relate to K-12 education, according to a Chalkbeat analysis. Only one announced a new policy affecting what happens inside classrooms serving more than 800,000 elementary- to high school-age students. And even the new policy — expanding a reading and math curriculum overhaul launched under his predecessor Eric Adams — largely continued work already underway.

Other press releases related to winter storms, street safety outside schools, and the opening of new schools that started under a previous administration.

Mayoral press releases are an incomplete measure of Mamdani’s record and agenda on K-12 education, and schools Chancellor Kamar Samuels has introduced several initiatives of his own. But some longtime education watchers — including Mamdani supporters — said the dearth of attention to K-12 schools and absence of concrete policy proposals one-eighth of the way through Mamdani’s first term raises questions about how he will manage a core function of the city’s government.

“He’s the first mayor that I’ve seen … to have so little apparent interest in our public schools from K-12,” said Leonie Haimson, the executive director of Class Size Matters and a longtime education advocate. She argued that Mamdani could use his “progressive values to really make a difference in our schools,” adding that overseeing public schools “is a very critical part of his responsibilities.”

In many ways, the lack of focus on K-12 schools during Mamdani’s first months in office is not a surprise. Education didn’t figure prominently into his mayoral campaign, which focused on his key priorities and largely avoided political fights that could distract from those efforts. Some observers suggested that an aggressive push to make the K-12 system more equitable — a political minefield for progressive politicians — may feel too risky when Mamdani is still shoring up support for his core agenda.

Keeping up his “laser focus” on expanding free childcare — a broadly popular policy — could pay political dividends by providing economic relief for families while also better preparing children for K-12 schools, said Shael Polakow-Suransky, president of Bank Street College of Education and a former deputy chancellor under Michael Bloomberg.

“That is where the political capital on education will need to be spent over the next few years, if they’re going to deliver on that promise and actually get the educational benefits,” he said.

Polakow-Suransky and others familiar with the Mamdani administration’s education plans said the quiet start on K-12 policy may be a deliberate effort by Mamdani and Samuels to gather input before making potentially disruptive changes.

But other observers noted that while Mamdani still has time to make his mark on city schools, his current approach risks further entrenching a status quo marked by deep problems and inequities.

“The absence of any identifiable priority is a worry,” said David Bloomfield, a professor emeritus of education leadership, law, and policy at Brooklyn College and CUNY Graduate Center.

The longterm benefits of an improved K-12 school system take years to materialize, Bloomfield noted, unlike the more immediate benefits of Mamdani’s policy priorities.

“He seems to feel that what’s in place is good enough,” Bloomfield said.

Jenna Lyle, a spokesperson for Mamdani, disputed the idea that he has focused less on K-12 education in his early months than predecessors.

“Change isn’t measured by the number of press releases we send out. It’s measured by whether people’s lives are better because they were invited to shape the policies that affect them,” she said. The administration is preparing to “share our broader vision for public schools” by holding listening sessions and gathering community feedback, she added.

What has Mamdani done so far, and how does it compare to past mayors?

Mamdani offered few sweeping education promises on the campaign trail, but did stake out several positions that set him apart from his competitors, including ending mayoral control of city schools and removing kindergarten entry to the city’s gifted and talented program.

Neither has come to pass.

Mamdani reversed his position on mayoral control shortly before taking office. He also backed away from a campaign promise to quickly comply with the state’s class size law, instead asking for an extension to save money this fiscal year.

He has not advanced proposals to change the gifted and talented program or offer prospective new teachers tuition assistance, as he pledged during the campaign. He has made some efforts to reduce the Education Department’s astronomical contracts budget, but those efforts have been complicated by scrutiny over allegations that Samuels violated contracting rules in a previous role. He also continued a pandemic-era policy launched under Bill de Blasio and continued by Adams to spare schools with declining enrollment from budget cuts.

Most longtime education observers said Mamdani has focused noticeably less on K-12 education than his immediate predecessors, Adams, de Blasio, and Bloomberg — though several noted that those mayors’ education agendas didn’t fully come into focus during their first six months in office.

Adams issued 21 press releases related to K-12 education during his first six months, including announcements expanding the gifted and talented program, introducing dyslexia screening, and rehiring district superintendents, a Chalkbeat analysis found. His most recognizable education policy, NYC Reads, was announced more than a year into his tenure.

Bloomberg made controversial and sweeping reforms of the K-12 school system a centerpiece of his agenda. De Blasio, like Mamdani, initially emphasized childcare, but nine months into his tenure launched a major effort to flood struggling schools with additional resources.

Matt Gonzales, a longtime school integration advocate who served on Mamdani’s education transition team, said preserving programs for vulnerable students in the recent budget agreement between Mamdani and the City Council was a significant early policy achievement. He also argued that introducing new policies in the middle of a school year could be disruptive.

“I want all the big pronouncements and priorities laid out ASAP,” he said. But “there’s a real need to stabilize the system … and then move a vision for education in this new school year.”

What does Mamdani’s quiet start on K-12 education mean for schools?

While the Mamdani administration hasn’t offered a detailed public agenda for K-12 schools, officials have negotiated the budget and an extension of the state’s class size law deadline, said Aaron Pallas, a professor of sociology and education at Columbia University Teachers College. (The Education Department issued a press release with a quote from Mamdani detailing the new class size plan).

He added that making meaningful change in a system as sprawling as New York City is difficult and that “on the ground level, a lot can continue in a positive way without high-level policy pronouncements.”

But if outcomes such as test scores and graduation rates slip, Mamdani may face “pressure to do more,” he said.

Some advocates hope Mamdani will focus on increasing racial and socioeconomic integration, and merging underenrolled schools — two longtime priorities for Samuels. Others want him to stake out a firm position against artificial intelligence in schools.

Whatever the agenda looks like, some supporters hope Mamdani will bring the same public attention campaign he’s launched for childcare — including a jingle contest judged by Cardi B — to K-12 education.

“I’m hopeful that we see more of that kind of skill around education, especially as they really get to take the reins of things this school year,” Gonzales said. “That’s going to really need the mayor’s messaging and savviness.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Hochul delays plan to tighten childcare voucher rules, averting shockwaves for thousands of NYC families

2026-06-25T21:38:35+00:00

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Gov. Kathy Hochul is delaying a plan that would have caused major disruptions to tens of thousands of New York City families who receive childcare vouchers.

Under New York regulations, parents who receive the vouchers through a popular state-funded program are only supposed to get the benefit for hours when they’re working or in school. Historically, however, that rule has not been enforced for New York City families. In recent months, officials from the state’s Office of Children and Family Services warned city officials that they would need to begin complying with the regulations — sparking panic from officials, providers, and advocates. They warned the change could send shockwaves through the system, leaving families without care and causing providers to shut down.

On Thursday, Hochul announced that the state is giving the city two more years to comply with the regulations governing the Child Care Assistance Program vouchers, which pays an average $300 a week to cover kids’ childcare expenses.

“This waiver will help ensure that families who are currently receiving support in New York City don’t have their coverage reduced and providers don’t suffer costly disruptions while we work towards full implementation of the program,” Hochul said in a statement.

In New York City more than 100,000 kids currently receive vouchers and another 26,000 are on the waitlist.

Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who has worked with Hochul to make the expansion of free childcare in New York City a major political priority, praised the postponement.

“For a parent picking up an extra shift to make ends meet, or a parent whose work schedule changes week to week, access to flexible child care is truly essential,” Mamdani said in a statement.

Over the past few years, the voucher program has become a critical piece of the city’s childcare landscape.

After Hochul raised the value of the voucher in 2024 and expanded the income eligibility requirements to allow more people to participate, the program exploded in popularity in the five boroughs and hasn’t been able to keep up with the demand, even as funding keeps growing.

Most other counties across the state follow the policy limiting vouchers to work and school hours, known as “coupling,” by submitting data to a state attendance system, a Hochul spokesperson said. But New York City does not use that system, the spokesperson said.

Some advocates, lawmakers, and city officials say the regulations are impractical and disruptive, making it difficult for parents who are working part-time to find consistent care and for childcare operators to count on consistent enrollment and revenue.

“How can a childcare center that has a hundred kids have a different policy of what hours every … kid is coming in?” said Brooklyn Council member Lincoln Restler at a hearing last month. “You can’t hire teachers that way. We will see enormous, enormous disruption to our childcare system.”

Officials from the city’s Administration for Children’s Services, which oversees the voucher program in the city, said they have been lobbying state officials to change the regulations.

It’s unclear how many families in the city would be affected by stricter enforcement of the coupling regulations.

A Hochul spokesperson said the state is asking the city to submit more data in the coming years to give a clearer picture, and said the state is rolling out new technology to improve enforcement of the regulations.

Advocates for kids in other parts of the state are taking notice of the carveout for New York City.

Dede Hill, the vice president of policy at the Schuyler Center, a statewide child advocacy organization, said now that the state officials have found a way to grant New York City a reprieve from enforcement of the coupling regulations without changing state law, her organization will push the state to extend the same benefit to other parts of the state.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC’s $1.9 billion dilemma: How long can schools be ‘held harmless’ for enrollment losses?

2026-06-22T22:45:12+00:00

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New York City is spending nearly $290 million next year to prevent budget cuts at schools that have lost or are projected to lose enrollment, according to new Education Department data.

It’s more than double what the city spent prior to the beginning of the 2025-26 school year on the policy known as “hold harmless.”

The sum reflects the increasing cost of continuing the policy that began during the COVID pandemic to provide financial stability to schools losing enrollment. Six years later, those enrollment losses show no signs of abating, and the cost of propping up budgets at shrinking schools has grown dramatically.

For this coming school year, 723 schools got some amount of hold harmless money. Fifty-five of those schools got over $1 million.

The total amount that the Education Department has spent on the policy since 2020 is nearly $1.9 billion.

Schools get their budgets in the spring for the coming academic year based on their projected enrollment. Then in the middle of the school year, money is either added or taken away from that initial allocation based on the number of students who actually showed up. But for most of the past six years, the city has been keeping initial budgets steady when schools’ projected student numbers drop and has not been clawing back money in the middle of the year for schools missing the mark with their student rosters.

Efforts to pare back the hold harmless policy have generated significant political opposition, as former Mayor Eric Adams found out when he proposed phasing out the support in 2022. But the longer officials keep the policy in place, the more expensive it becomes. It also further pulls the Education Department away from its original method of funding schools based primarily on enrollment numbers and student needs. That ongoing expense is particularly consequential as the city faces a yawning budget deficit.

“This is a snowball rolling down the hill, and it’s just getting bigger,” said Ana Champeny, the lead researcher for the Citizens Budget Commission, a nonpartisan fiscal watchdog. “Continuing this misguided policy is just not the right choice for the city, and it’s not the right choice for fiscal stability.”

Schools have come to rely on the money, and it has proved indispensable for many shrinking schools. Stopping the practice would also likely complicate the city’s efforts to comply with the state’s class size law, since it would force staff layoffs and increase class sizes at many schools

“That funding is incredibly important for us to reduce the adult-to-kid ratio,” said Kiri Soares, the principal of Urban Assembly Institute of Math and Science for Young Women in downtown Brooklyn. It also has helped close the learning gaps that emerged during the pandemic.

Her school is slated to receive about $374,000 as a result of being held harmless for next year. The school’s enrollment has shrunk to 350 this year from nearly 500 in 2020.

Who’s getting hold harmless money and how much?

The city’s student population dropped by about 22,000 from the 2024-25 school year to the 2025-26 school year. Final enrollment projections for next school year predict another drop of more than 20,000 students, according to a Chalkbeat analysis of the data. (The enrollment projections don’t include students in prekindergarten programs, or District 75 schools for students with complex disabilities.)

As a result, the cost of the hold harmless policy has been rising. The money ensures that schools’ initial budgets for the coming school year are at least as high as their initial budgets for the current school year. Even schools that aren’t projected to lose enrollment next year might be getting hold harmless money. That’s because they lost students previously, and the city is using roster figures from a few years back for the calculation. (Schools whose projected enrollment went up, leading to higher budgets, still get to keep those gains, which tallied about $250 million.)

For some schools, hold harmless money has become a significant portion of their overall budget. I.S. 339 in the Bronx, which has shrunk from 315 students in 2020 to 150 this year, is slated to get nearly $2.5 million in hold harmless money next year. That accounts for roughly a third of the school’s overall budget of $7.8 million.

That’s why principals say that if the city does phase out the hold harmless spending, they should do it gradually.

“You can’t just pull what’s been given to us for half a decade from out from under us because it will completely destabilize schools,” said Soares.

But other principals have mixed feelings about the policy, noting that it inflates the per-pupil budget at shrinking schools higher than schools whose rosters are growing.

“It’s really demoralizing to work and work and work to retain enrollment and effectively to have your students be penalized by having less average money per pupil,” said one Manhattan principal who spoke on the condition of anonymity.

“It doesn’t make any sense that we’re still being funded as if we’re in a pandemic,” the principal continued. “Enrollment is declining, and this is the situation we’re going to be in for the next 10 years.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Allegations against Kamar Samuels highlight widespread dysfunction in NYC’s school contract system

2026-06-18T20:51:26+00:00

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On the campaign trail, Mayor Zohran Mamdani pledged to reduce fraud and waste in Education Department contracts, which total nearly $13 billion in spending, about a tenth of the entire New York City budget.

Recent allegations that his chancellor, Kamar Samuels, violated key contracting rules are complicating those efforts and have put the mayor in a delicate position.

The allegations that Samuels skirted the competitive bidding process in his prior role have brought scrutiny from investigators, lawmakers, and the public, while also casting a brighter spotlight on a system that almost all observers say is deeply flawed, even if they disagree about how to fix it.

One member of the City Council, Queens Democrat Phil Wong, has called for Samuels to resign, arguing he is not the right leader to oversee contract reforms. So far, Mamdani has publicly stood by Samuels and has asked allies on the City Council to do the same, according to someone familiar with the outreach.

In interviews with more than a dozen educators, administrators, and elected officials deeply familiar with the Education Department’s procurement system, many of whom were granted anonymity to speak freely about the system, few expressed surprise that someone might go outside the rules. They described a broken contracting and procurement process that can make it difficult, or nearly impossible, to get services for children in a timely fashion.

“At no agency is [the procurement process] more painfully cumbersome, bureaucratic, and slow than in the DOE,” said Brooklyn Council member Lincoln Restler. “Frankly this situation underscores the urgent need for procurement reform.”

The allegations against Samuels, first reported by independent journalist Sue Edelman and The New York Post, stem from his recent tenure leading Manhattan’s District 3, which spans the Upper West Side and parts of Harlem.

The city Special Commissioner of Investigation, or SCI, found last year that Samuels’ former deputy superintendent, Mariela Graham, improperly split a larger contract with a vendor into smaller chunks to avoid a $25,000 competitive bidding threshold, a practice referred to as contract splitting. The vendor hired and placed language teachers in the district.

The investigation began after school officials reported that one of the teachers employed by the vendor was barred from working in city public schools because of past sexual misconduct.

Samuels wasn’t mentioned in SCI’s 2025 report, but City Council testimony from Sean Kreyling, the owner of the vendor, along with emails shared by the vendor with SCI and viewed by Chalkbeat, suggest Samuels approved a similar arrangement with the same company the year before.

Asked to confirm if Samuels is under investigation, SCI spokesperson Anna Correa said the agency is “aware of these new allegations, and will handle them accordingly.”

Several people familiar with the situation said that Samuels and Graham were scrambling to find language teachers to place at schools receiving large numbers of migrant students. Language and bilingual teachers are typically among the most difficult positions to fill for New York City schools.

Graham did not respond to a request for comment.

Samuels, who has declined to answer specific questions about the episode, has defended himself.

“While I regret this lapse in procedure,” he said in a statement, “the actions in question were undertaken in pursuit of educational opportunities for children — not for personal gain or to benefit anyone other than our schoolchildren.”

The $25,000 threshold: A safeguard or bottleneck?

Contracts make up a large and growing share of the city Education Department’s budget, increasing from about $3.2 billion in 2014 to roughly $13 billion, according to the City Council.

Mamdani took aim at the system as a mayoral candidate, pledging to “overhaul procurement infrastructure” across the Education Department and cut contracted spending by 10%.

The $25,000 threshold Samuels is accused of violating is a key safeguard meant to ensure that vendors getting large sums of taxpayer money have been thoroughly vetted and are offering the best prices.

To make a purchase above $25,000, a principal or other official is required to use a vendor that has a contract with the central procurement office.

But the process of getting a central contract can take up to a year, according to city officials. Some vendors don’t even attempt it and others give up, vendors and officials told Chalkbeat. Several principals said they sometimes can’t find the services they need from a contracted vendor, and those are often more expensive than non-contracted vendors.

Kreyling, the owner of the language teacher company involved in the District 3 allegations, said he began the process to get centrally approved and waited months before giving up.

“It’s a pretty arduous process … chaotic and disorganized,” Kreyling told Chalkbeat, noting that in other districts outside of New York City, he can get a fully signed contract within a month.

City Council Speaker Julie Menin, who is pushing for a more thorough audit of Education Department contracts, said during a hearing last week that she worries the practice of contract splitting may be more common than is known.

“This incident, of course, raises concern that there may be more widespread practice of contracts being broken up to avoid appropriate spending scrutiny,” she said.

A separate 2025 SCI report on the practice of contract splitting pointed to eight past investigations since 2023 that found school officials or vendors skirting the competitive bidding rules, including the one into Graham and Kreyling.

Last year, about $386 million of total contract spending came through purchases of less than $25,000, according to SCI.

Allegations highlight tension between scrutiny and efficiency

The reactions to the allegations against Samuels highlight a key tension Mamdani will face as he seeks to reform the procurement system: balancing the need for stricter oversight with making the process more efficient for schools.

Some lawmakers and advocates have argued that the allegations against Samuels show the need for tightened guardrails.

Lawmakers, including City Council Education Committee Chair Eric Dinowitz, a Bronx Democrat, have argued that if Graham and Samuels had gone through the vendor approval process, it would have prevented the teacher with the past misconduct charges from ending up in a classroom. SCI did not explicitly make that assertion in its report.

Emails between Kreyling and Education Department officials shared with Chalkbeat suggest that vendors with city approval must run their employees through Education Department background checks.

The SCI report noted, however, that principals are required to conduct background checks on any vendor employee who interacts with students — something that didn’t happen in the District 3 case.

Many principals and Education Department officials told Chalkbeat they view the allegations against Samuels as an example of an educator working within a broken system to try to quickly get services for kids.

“Hiring foreign language teachers is an incredibly difficult task,” said a high level Education Department official who requested anonymity. “It sounds like this district was trying desperately to provide services for their students.”

The situation points to the need to make the process speedier and less bureaucratic, school leaders said.

Some suggested raising the $25,000 cap, a threshold that hasn’t changed in years. Others said the process to approve a vendor needs to be faster and less complicated. That could also increase competition and lower prices.

Lindsey Oates, who started this week as the deputy chancellor for the Division of Finance, Administration, & Human Resources and will oversee procurement reform, said she will try to “strike the appropriate balance of appropriate oversight of taxpayer dollars, as well as streamlining our operations.”

Education Department officials have offered few details about how they’re approaching procurement reform. But officials say they’re hoping a reorganization to bring the finance and procurement teams under the same deputy chancellor will streamline the contracting process for schools while helping to strengthen accountability.

SCI made several recommendations in its 2025 report to crack down on contract splitting, including significantly ramping up training for principals and other officials making purchasing decisions, as well as increasing central staff in charge of monitoring non-contracted vendors.

Education Department officials said at last week’s council hearing that many of those recommendations would require financial resources the agency doesn’t have.

In the specific District 3 case, SCI found that Kreyling “conspired” with Graham on the contract splitting and recommended that the Education Department stop working with his companies. Kreyling told Chalkbeat he was following the lead of city officials and didn’t know he was violating any rules.

Investigators said Graham, Samuels’ deputy, displayed “astoundingly poor judgment” and recommended her termination. They referred the case to the Manhattan District Attorney. The District Attorney’s office did not respond to a request for comment.

Education Department general counsel Liz Vladeck told lawmakers that the SCI report contained no allegations of illegal activity. The department opted to suspend Graham for two weeks instead of firing her, she said. A source familiar with her current role said Graham was recently promoted to senior director of strategy for Samuels.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Alex Zimmerman is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

NYC is getting more money for childcare vouchers. Why does the waitlist keep growing?

2026-06-04T20:02:18+00:00

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The waitlist for New York City’s enormously popular childcare voucher program for low-income families has ballooned to 25,000 kids and isn’t likely to shrink, according to officials and experts — even as its budget keeps growing.

Officials from the city’s Administration of Children’s Services, which administers the state and federally funded Child Care Assistance Program, haven’t let any new families in since last May, citing financial limitations.

And city officials haven’t made any commitments to enrolling families on the waitlist this year. Yet, state funding for the city’s childcare vouchers grew from about $1.45 billion last year to $2 billion in the recently passed state budget. This year, $475 million of that state funding is only available if the city contributes a matching amount.

Advocates and experts say the city could be doing more to chip away at the waitlist, pointing out that city officials have left hundreds of millions of dollars in potential state funding for the voucher program on the table. They argue city officials are being overly cautious in their financial planning.

The stakes are high for thousands of city families and scores of childcare providers. For many parents of young kids, the voucher program, which gives families a weekly subsidy they can use at any licensed childcare program, is the most direct and flexible way of defraying the often unaffordable costs of childcare.

And for providers, particularly home-based childcare operators, the subsidies are a key tool for increasing enrollment and ensuring income to pay their staff and cover their bills.

Adding to some advocates’ concern is a curious detail in last week’s state budget. State officials quietly adopted language allowing the city to spend up to $100 million that was previously earmarked for childcare vouchers on any cost “in support of children,” according to budget documents. That could theoretically give the city license to spend that $100 million on any number of programs from after-school programs to K-12 education.

“The big takeaway for me is that the city does have resources available to it to be serving more families than it currently is with the waitlist,” said Pete Nabozny, policy director at The Children’s Agenda, a nonprofit childcare advocacy organization, of the new state budget.

Lauren Melodia, the director of economic and fiscal policy at the New School’s Center for New York City Affairs, estimated the city would have to spend about $500 million this coming fiscal year to clear half of the voucher waitlist.

Nicolette Simmonds, a spokesperson for Gov. Kathy Hochul, said the governor has invested a “record amount” in childcare vouchers. State officials noted enrollment has tripled in New York City since 2022, but did not respond to a question about the rationale for the $100 million budget carveout.

The city plans to claim the remaining $245 million in state funds for the city’s voucher program by the deadline in September, said Sneha Choudhary, a spokesperson for Mayor Zohran Mamdani.

Here’s what you need to know about the voucher program, its waitlist, and its budget situation.

What is the voucher program and why is it so popular?

The Child Care Assistance Program has been around for years, but exploded in popularity following the COVID pandemic, when Gov. Kathy Hochul significantly expanded both who was eligible for the program and the value of the voucher.

Families now qualify for a low-income childcare voucher if they make under 85% of the state median income, or about $114,000 a year for a family of four. The vouchers can be used at any licensed childcare facility for kids from birth to age 12, and pay out an average of about $300 a week.

The model differs from the city’s prekindergarten, 3-K, and 2-K programs, which directly contract with childcare providers. That system gives the city more oversight of programs, and can offer parents a fully free option in some cases. Some families, however, prefer the voucher model’s flexibility, because it allows parents to use any provider with open seats. Some of those providers operate outside the standard daytime hours available in the city’s programs.

The program’s model is “what people actually envision of universal child care: I have a kid, I need care for specific hours, and regardless of the kid’s age, I can go to any licensed program and get care,” said Melodia. “There is a real demand for universal child care that is flexible, that meets parent’s demands now.”

Since state officials expanded eligibility and funding, enrollment in the low-income vouchers program has shot up to roughly 70,000 from less than 9,000 in 2022.

Why is the program facing a budget crunch?

To understand the voucher program’s precarious finances, it helps to know that there are actually two separate voucher programs.

The low-income program with the growing waitlist is often referred to as “non-mandated” vouchers.

But there is a separate, “mandated” voucher program only open to families receiving federal cash assistance. City and state officials are obligated under federal rules to offer a childcare voucher to any family receiving cash assistance that requests one.

Enrollment in the city’s mandated voucher program has fluctuated wildly in recent years, making it difficult for the city to make firm financial predictions.

During the pandemic, officials relaxed work requirements for federal cash assistance, keeping more families home and reducing their need for child care. Enrollment in the mandated voucher program cratered. Last year, when officials reinstated work requirements, many expected mandated voucher enrollment to surge back to pre-pandemic levels. But that hasn’t yet happened: Enrollment only ticked up by about 3,000 from February 2025 to a year later, according to the most recent data.

Nabozny said the “big issue” preventing the city from beginning to enroll families from the low-income voucher waitlist is that they want to have enough funding available in case mandated voucher enrollment does surge, although some question whether that’s the best approach.

“It’s a problem, because they could be serving other families who are on a waitlist now,” Nabozny said.

How much money does the city have to give out more vouchers?

Last budget season, as officials were preparing for a boom in mandated voucher enrollment and one-time federal funding from the pandemic dried up, the state offered a stopgap solution to keep the voucher program solvent.

In order to prevent the city from having to kick families out of the program, the state offered an extra $350 million, but with a catch: The state would only pay out as much from that supplemental pot as the city put forward from its own coffers.

A year later, the city has only tapped $105 million of the $350 pot, city officials confirmed. City officials say they plan to claim the remaining $245 million by the September deadline.

But due to the late change to the state budget, the city has the option of using $100 million of those unclaimed state funds for an entirely different purpose. A Mamdani spokesperson said the administration “intends to claim all available funding for child voucher related expenditures,” but did not specify how the city was planning to use the newly available $100 million.

For the coming year, the supplemental pot from the state is even larger. The city can claim up to $475 million for vouchers from the state, provided it matches with its own funds.

But city officials are still being cautious about making any commitments on if and when they will begin enrolling from the waitlist. Officials noted that some families on the waitlist may have enrolled in other city-funded childcare programs like 3-K and Pre-K, but couldn’t provide exact numbers.

Brooklyn Council Member Lincoln Restler urged officials to adopt a stopgap solution of offering a slew of new temporary, one-year vouchers.

“We don’t make an in perpetuity commitment that this child is going to have a voucher until they’re 13,” he said at a budget hearing last week. “But we add child care capacity for the coming fiscal year with the resources we know we have today.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

NYC families can now apply for 2-K. Here’s what you need to know.

2026-06-02T20:10:13+00:00

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Applications opened Tuesday for the inaugural year of New York City’s free childcare program for 2-year-olds.

Part of Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s affordability campaign for free universal childcare, 2-K will for the first time in the city’s history offer free care for 2-year-olds regardless of their parents’ income. In 2024, parents of toddlers spent on average more than $23,000 for childcare at center-based programs, according to the city comptroller.

Families can apply on MySchools, the city Education Department’s online portal for school enrollment through June 26. Offers are expected Aug. 4.

The program kicks off in September with 2,000 seats clustered in several high-needs neighborhoods in every borough except Staten Island.

The program is set to expand to 12,000 seats next year, and Mamdani has pledged to bring it citywide by the end of his first term. Gov. Kathy Hochul’s funding commitment, however, only covers the first two years. The state is chipping in $73 million this year for 2-K and plans to spend $425 million next year.

Applications for 3-K and pre-K, which already closed, remained relatively flat compared to last year. But Mamdani is pulling out the stops to make sure families know about 2-K: He’s sponsoring a 2K for 2-K road race in Fort Tryon Park in northern Manhattan this weekend to encourage parents to sign up. And he’s enlisted Cardi B to help judge a citywide 2-K jingle competition.

“It is not enough for [the] government to pat itself on the back and say, ‘We have a good program,’” Mamdani said at a kickoff press conference in Queens Tuesday. “People should find out about it.”

Here’s what parents need to know:

Who’s eligible?

Any child born in 2024 is eligible to apply, but, in most cases, they must be 2 years old to begin the program — meaning if the program starts Sept. 10, then kids whose birthdays fall after that date will likely have to wait to enroll. That’s different from the city’s free 3-K and pre-K programs, which allow kids to enroll before they turn 3 and 4, respectively, as long as their birthday is by Dec. 31.

Families of kids who turn 2 later this year are still encouraged to apply now, but may receive a “pending offer” to start after their child’s birthday, according to the Education Department.

Applications are open to families anywhere in the five boroughs, but kids living in one of the five districts where the initial 2,000 seats are rolling out will get priority for seats.

Families currently using a childcare voucher or receiving another form of childcare assistance are still eligible to apply to 2-K.

Where are the new seats located?

The 2,000 seats opening in September are located in five school districts:

District 6 in Manhattan, covering Washington Heights, Inwood, and Hamilton Heights
Districts 18 and 23 in Brooklyn, covering Canarsie, Brownsville, Ocean Hill, as well as parts of East Flatbush and Prospect Lefferts Gardens
District 10 in the Bronx covering Fordham, Belmont, Norwood, Morris Heights, Riverdale, Spuyten Duyvil, Van Cortlandt Village, and Kingsbridge
District 27 in Queens, covering Ozone and South Ozone Park, Richmond Hill, Woodhavan, Howard Beach, and the Rockaways

The 2,000 seats are spread across a mix of 550 center- and family-based childcare providers who contract with the city.

What are the hours?

The default hours for 2-K will be 8 a.m.-6 p.m., 12 months a year. That marks a big shift from the model the city has used for 3-K and pre-K, where most seats are funded only from 8 a.m.-2:20 p.m. from September through June.

The extended day and year could save families thousands of additional dollars by erasing the costs of after-school and summer care.

Programs can still decide to offer a shorter schedule, officials have said.

Is 2-K open to students with disabilities?

Students with and without disabilities are welcome in 2-K programs, Education Department officials said.

Before the age of 3, toddlers and babies with disabilities can be identified for Early Intervention, which provides families with free services like speech and physical therapy that can take place in their preschools or at home. When students turn 3, their family can meet with a Committee on Preschool Special Education to get a recommendation for a specialized program.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Help us investigate: Where do you see waste in NYC’s $45 billion school budget?

2026-05-29T17:59:28+00:00

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In Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s quest to trim spending from New York City’s massive municipal budget, there’s no bigger target than the Education Department.

The department’s nearly $45 billion budget is the largest of any agency by far, making up roughly a third of the city’s entire budget.

The city schools budget has even become a national talking point for critics of Mamdani. Amazon founder Jeff Bezos recently said if he ran his company like New York City ran its schools, it would mean charging customers a $100 fee while taking six weeks to deliver a package.

Now, as Mamdani doubles down on his waste-trimming efforts with a new Commission on Government Efficiency, Chalkbeat wants to better understand what the Education Department’s massive budget looks like to the people working in and attending the system every day, and where you see the biggest potential savings.

The size and complexity of the budget is difficult to comprehend. It covers everything from staff and supplies at roughly 1,600 district schools as well as the educations of hundreds of thousands of students in charter and private schools and childcare centers. It spends billions on transportation, food, and maintenance.

So far, Mamdani’s biggest cost-cutting plan for the Education Department comes from hundreds of millions in expected savings from delayed implementation of the state’s class size law. He’s also pledged to trim spending on students with disabilities attending private schools. City officials are counting on $100 million in savings from “improved financial controls” and tens of millions more from consolidating or eliminating unnecessary contracts, according to budget documents.

Chalkbeat wants to hear from you, since where you see the biggest spending inefficiencies could look very different depending on your role in the system.

For parents and students, what are the programs and materials at your school that feel least useful? For teachers and school staff, are boxes of new textbooks or laptops gathering dust? For administrators, are there projects, materials or contracts whose costs seem too high? And if you’re involved in larger contracts or spending decisions, are there instances where the city is paying for duplicate services, or contracting out tasks it could do in-house for cheaper?

By getting a ground-level view of Education Department spending, Chalkbeat hopes to help create a clearer picture of where the city’s money goes, and we need your help in piecing that image together.

Please fill out the form below. If you are having trouble viewing this form, go here.

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Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Alex Zimmerman is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

NYC Chancellor Kamar Samuels pledges stronger AI guardrails: ‘We missed the mark’

2026-05-27T21:09:39+00:00

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When New York City officials released draft guidance in March for how schools should use artificial intelligence, it unleashed a torrent of criticism from parents and educators accusing officials of doing too little to curb the technology’s threats to education.

Now Schools Chancellor Kamar Samuels is acknowledging that the Education Department didn’t grasp the depth of opposition to AI in schools, and he’s pledging a more aggressive approach to curbing AI use for the youngest kids in the city’s final guidance. Officials originally said they were planning to release a final version of the AI guidance in June, but a spokesperson didn’t say whether that timeline is still in place.

“We missed the mark, and we didn’t communicate in a way that really showed our community that we understood where we were … and that we were worthy of being trusted to protect young people,” Samuels said at an event Tuesday night at Bank Street College of Education in Manhattan, according to a partial recording shared with Chalkbeat.

AI “is the most invasive technology that we’ve seen,” Samuels said. While city officials believe older students will need some exposure to AI, the Education Department is “looking very closely” at restricting its use in school for the youngest students, particularly those ages three to five, the chancellor said.

Samuels’ comments mark a significant change in tone, and indicate that the nation’s largest school system is grappling with — and responding to — the fierce backlash brewing against AI and education technology in school communities in the city and beyond.

Across the five boroughs, parents have flooded public forums to rail against the city’s draft AI guidance, which uses a traffic light framework to delineate the risk levels of different uses of AI in the classroom, mainly by educators. Student AI use — one of the thorniest and highest stakes questions city schools must regulate — got scant attention in the guidance and was listed as a “yellow light” behavior.

Opposition to AI use in city schools has grown more organized in recent months, with several elected officials calling on the Education Department to pause implementation of its AI guidance. A petition for a two-year AI moratorium in city schools has garnered more than 3,000 signatures.

Samuels’ evolving response to AI

Samuels conceded that public sentiment about AI has shifted “rapidly” since he took over as chancellor in January.

Initially, he said, the system’s posture was: “‘AI is here; we need to kind of figure it out.’”

He thought that school communities were fearful of the technology, but over the course of developing the first draft of the AI guidance and hearing feedback from families, he came to realize the prevailing sentiment was anger, “a lack of trust in institutions, a lack of trust in our security mechanisms, and also a lack of trust in or deep skepticism of (education technology) companies.”

Officials gave the public 45 days to submit feedback on the city’s draft AI guidance following its March 24 release. On May 8, the last day officials accepted feedback, the city had received more than 6,000 comments, 48% of which came from educators and 42% from parents, the Education Department’s Director of Digital Learning Initiatives Tara Carrozza told parents at an advocacy meeting in Manhattan’s District 1.

NYC’s approach to AI has swung back and forth

Education leaders across the country have been grappling with similar tensions as they seek to develop AI policies. Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers, the nation’s second-largest teachers union, called publicly on Wednesday for a ban on student-facing AI in elementary schools, despite being an early and ongoing booster of AI use for teachers.

Those tensions have played out within the city school system at breathtaking speed, as the Education Department swung between initially banning ChatGPT on school devices and networks to pledging to become a national leader in embracing AI. In the absence of firm citywide policy, many New York City schools have crafted their own policies to regulate student and teacher use, while many others have steered clear of the topic.

Dan Weisberg, the former first deputy chancellor, recently argued that AI can help teachers with the time and labor-intensive task of identifying which students are lagging far behind academically, diagnosing areas where they need support, and designing makeup instruction.

But another former deputy chancellor, Shael Polakow-Suransky, who now serves as president of Bank Street College of Education and appeared at Tuesday’s event with Samuels, offered a cautionary tale about relying on AI to help students struggling with math.

He recounted observing a Bronx classroom where students were working on the concept of translating fractions into decimals on a computerized AI tutor program. Many of the students eventually got to the right answer, he said, but few showed a conceptual understanding of what they were doing, and the teacher was too busy troubleshooting tech issues to spend much time with any of them.

“This was something I fear is going to happen more and more schools in across the country, and in our city,” he said. “That in the interest of providing individualized feedback to students, we are going to take the intellectual work that we expect from teachers and pass it to the AI.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC after-school contract shakeup sparks fury after beloved, long-term providers are ousted

2026-05-21T21:32:12+00:00

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A reshuffling of contracts for New York City’s sprawling free after-school program has separated some schools from beloved, longstanding providers, sparking fury from parents, program staffers, and school administrators.

The changes came as part of the city’s first attempt in years to re-bid contracts for community-based organizations, who get city funding to operate the COMPASS after-school program for more than 100,000 elementary and middle school students.

Re-bidding the contracts allowed the city to expand the program by 10,000 seats and make long-needed changes to providers’ pay rates, which now come out to around $4,000 to $7,000 per student depending on age, city officials and providers said.

But the new contracts, which were announced earlier this month and run through 2032, in some cases edged out providers who have been working with schools for more than a decade, and had the support of principals and families.

In Manhattan, multiple middle schools that have long worked with the organization Manhattan Youth were assigned new providers starting this fall, according to a petition and joint letter from parent leaders across the schools.

“Making sweeping changes to successful and trusted afterschool programs without transparency, stakeholder engagement, or demonstrated justification does not serve students or families,” wrote the parents, some of whom staged protests Thursday afternoon.

It wasn’t immediately clear how many programs citywide were turned over to new providers.

Chantal Alba, a spokesperson for the Youth and Community Development Department, said “most” of the 927 schools with after-school contracts are continuing on with their existing provider – 71 schools are opening a program for the first time next year.

“DYCD understands how important long-standing afterschool relationships are to families, and we recognize that a change in provider can feel disruptive,” Alba wrote. “These transitions are the result of a standardized competitive process, not a reflection on the value a particular organization has brought to a school community.”

Providers who lost out on contracts at schools where they’ve been successfully working for years said they’ve gotten no clear explanation on why they weren’t selected.

“We’re all very confused,” said Manuela Garcia, a program director for the Coalition for Hispanic Family Services at Louis Armstrong Middle School in East Elmhurst, Queens. Garcia’s program has operated an arts-focused after-school program at Louis Armstrong for 12 years, but lost out to a larger provider in this year’s contract re-procurement.

“We did everything we were supposed to do,” she said. “Why are we being uprooted … to bring somebody else brand new to start over?

New rules, little transparency

In past years, providers had to secure a signed agreement from a principal before applying for a contract at that school, giving the principal broad discretion to select a provider. This year, principals could rank multiple providers, according to people familiar with the process. In some cases, they didn’t get their top choice.

“Despite our school clearly identifying Manhattan Youth as the best fit for our community, a different provider was selected,” Computer School principal Jessica Shalom wrote to families last weekend, according to a copy of the letter shared with Chalkbeat.

In seeking “clarification” from the Department of Youth and Community Development, Shalom said she “received dismissive responses that failed to acknowledge the depth of our current partnership with Manhattan Youth and the significant impact this potential change would have on our community.”

Alba, the DYCD spokesperson, said more than 80% of principals received their first- or second-choice provider. Asking principals to rank programs allowed “more providers to participate … while still ensuring principal input is reflected,” she said.

“DYCD must balance principal preferences with competitive scoring, capacity, and provider diversity,” Alba added.

Severing longstanding relationships between providers and schools isn’t the only concern. Providers that are losing their contracts after the summer might struggle with retaining staff for Summer Rising, the city’s free summer program, said Nora Moran, policy and advocacy director at United Neighborhood Houses, an umbrella organization for several after-school organizations.

She also wondered if the city’s notoriously slow contracting process would be able to meet the demand of having to certify so many new contracts for the fall.

Still, the outdated contracts needed to be rebid, Moran said. And throughout the bidding process, the city had been open about wanting to diversify the pool of providers.

While that’s a “good goal,” Moran said, it’s a “hard situation all around” because there are “always winners and losers” in a procurement process.

“In some circumstances, these are really longstanding relationships, and so for certain schools, it is going to be a really big change,” she said. “Also, there’s new opportunity that comes with new providers, and some organizations are happy that they’re going to have the chance to expand their work.”

Particular after-school programs are often a draw for families

Families at some of the schools switching providers say the shift could significantly diminish their kids’ school experience — and undercut one of the reasons they chose the school in the first place.

Alexandra Cardasis, whose daughter is in sixth grade at Simon Baruch Middle School, compared Manhattan Youth’s vast offerings, including theater and a multi-school sports league, to “a suburban experience at a large school.”

“When you’re trying to keep like families in the public school system,” she added, “these are the things that make people want to come.”

Families at Simon Baruch are trying to fight back, said Gilberte Lal, president of the school’s parent-teacher association, who planned to deliver about 400 student letters to the city.

“The anxiety that these children feel wondering what’s going to happen to their mentors, it’s heartbreaking,” said Lal.

Out of the school’s roughly 1,000 students, all but about 36 participate in Manhattan Youth’s array of 50 weekly offerings, from ceramics and nail art to orchestra, drama, and Dungeons and Dragons. The program also offers many teams that are part of the Middle School Athletic League — that would cost the school about $200,000 to cover next year, Lal said.

The program has 90 staffers, three of whom are full-time, and many of whom are paraprofessionals or teachers at the school.

The new provider, the Imogen Roche Foundation, which focuses on social-emotional health, has mainly worked with elementary schools, raising concerns among families whether it can quickly scale up a sophisticated program for middle schoolers.

At Louis Armstrong, an arts-focused middle school in Queens, the Coalition for Hispanic Family Services over years built a theater-based after-school program that perfectly fit the school’s needs, said Garcia, the program director.

The program has developed partnerships with professional theater organizations, worked closely with school staff to build a shared performing arts program, and routinely connects students to outside services like therapy, access to food, and healthcare, Garcia said. She’s now working on gathering documentation she can use to support an appeal of DYCD’s contract decision.

“This has been really devastating,” she said, “and I’ve taken it upon myself to organize the community.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Amy Zimmer is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat New York. Contact Amy at azimmer@chalkbeat.org.

Mamdani scales back promise for swifter class size reductions, anticipating state to delay law

2026-05-12T23:53:34+00:00

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After issuing dire warnings about a multi-billion budget gap, Mayor Zohran Mamdani expects to save hundreds of millions from a pending deal to delay a state mandate to reduce New York City’s class sizes.

Mamdani’s preliminary budget in February included $543 million anticipating a hiring spree of about 6,000 teachers. On Tuesday, his executive budget proposal earmarked $122 million to hire 1,000 educators.

“We have asked Albany to extend the deadline to meet this mandate,” Mamdani said. “It will allow us to implement an achievable plan that better serves both our students and our teachers.”

The move marks a major reversal from his pledge on the campaign trail to swiftly reduce class sizes.

The mayor’s latest budget proposal includes other new details about his spending priorities for the nation’s largest school district. He vowed to address the ballooning costs to the Education Department of private special education services “head on.” And he also revealed plans to boost wages of some early childhood education workers.

Still, several education programs are on track to run out of funding this summer that were not included in the mayor’s budget.

Here are four key takeaways from the mayor’s budget proposal, which is subject to negotiations with the City Council. A final deal is expected by July 1.

Plugging the city’s budget deficit hinges on a delay to the class size law

Mamdani has long supported state’s class size law capping classrooms at 20 to 25 students depending on the grade level. Though he plans to slash his initial teacher hiring pot of money, he indicated on Tuesday that he is adding $1.5 billion in capital funding for the School Construction Authority to help the city comply with the class size mandate.

“Make no mistake: We are fully committed to fulfilling the state mandate in a meaningful way on a realistic timeline that New Yorkers can actually trust,” Mamdani said.

But meeting next school year’s goal — of having 80% of classrooms comply with the law — would be a major challenge, education officials previously warned. Many schools don’t have enough space to shrink classes and finding thousands of new teachers remains a hurdle. Officials have been reluctant to pursue other solutions such as restricting enrollment at crowded campuses.

State Sen. John Liu, an architect of the law, said he expects the legislature to tweak the policy as part of the state’s forthcoming budget. Instead of requiring that 80% of classrooms comply, the state would mandate 70%, with the expectation that all classrooms would meet the caps over the next two or three years.

Even that could pose a strain: This year, the city only surpassed its 60% target after issuing exemptions for thousands of classrooms.

“The intent is to see 100% compliance by the end of this mayor’s first term,” Liu told Chalkbeat on Tuesday, noting that he is confident those changes will come in the state budget, now more than a month overdue. “Mayor Mamdani has made clear he’s committed to 100% compliance.”

City officials say they’re getting serious about private special education costs

Mamdani said he would take on the growing cost in the Education Department’s budget of private services for students with disabilities, vowing to beef up public programs and save $149 million in the process.

The city’s Education Department now spends well over $1 billion — or roughly $1 out of every $40 in its budget — on private special education services.

A majority of that cost is private school tuition and support for families who contend the city can’t serve their children in a public school. Those families are overwhelmingly white, a recent Chalkbeat analysis found. Mamdani said the city is investing in more public programs to lure them back into the system. Budget documents show the city is spending $67 million next year in new funding for preschool special education, a chronic shortage area.

Another big chunk comes from families in private schools who never considered a public school but nonetheless have a right to tutoring, speech therapy, and other services financed by the city. The city is planning to spend $86 million to shore up its ability to provide those services directly rather than relying on private providers, budget documents show.

“We are investing in special education services across the five boroughs so that families can get the support they need inside the public school system,” the mayor said. “That means better outcomes for families, fewer unnecessary lawsuits, and long-term savings for our city.”

Previous administrations have made similar promises, and costs have continued to rise.

More money for early childhood education

Mamdani’s budget announcement includes more than $100 million in new early childhood spending. The city is committing $40 million to provide a roughly 2% across-the-board raise for workers at community organizations contracting with the city Education Department for programs like 3-K and prekindergarten.

Those organizations have been locked in the same contract without pay increases since 2021. Their contracts were set to expire this year, but officials announced a two-year extension. The $40 million will ensure workers see a modest pay bump while the new contracts are crafted.

The money will also provide larger pay increases for non-unionized workers to bring them up to par with staffers who are part of a labor union, said Nora Moran, the director of policy and advocacy at United Neighborhood Houses, an umbrella organization for early childhood providers.

“The Mayor has clearly listened to feedback from parents, educators, and advocates,” Moran said in a statement.

The budget also adds $67 million to fund preschool special education seats, an area where the city has historically fallen short. Another $2 million will fund a fledgling free childcare program for municipal workers.

Funding for other education programs is in limbo

The mayor’s latest proposal restored $31 million in funding for Learning to Work, a program that pays for internships, social workers, and guidance counselors for students at risk of dropping out. The program has routinely faced the possibility of budget cuts each year only for funding to be restored at the last minute. Now, City Hall is vowing to guarantee funding in future years.

But other programs remain on the chopping block.

Students and advocates rallied in March outside the Education Department's headquarters to save the Learning to Work program.

Mamdani’s budget does not include $12 million for a wraparound program for students with disabilities who have sensory issues that interfere with school performance. Nor does it include $6 million for restorative justice, a conflict resolution approach that prioritizes talking through problems rather than punitive discipline.

A $5 million mental health initiative that provides students with faster access to counseling and other support at about 50 high-need schools also remains in limbo, though it has been restored in prior years during negotiations with City Council.

“Students, families, educators, and providers want assurance that they can continue relying on these programs in future years,” the Coalition for Equitable Education Funding, which represents over 120 organizations, said in a statement.

Alex Zimmerman is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

5 new public schools opening this fall in the Bronx and Queens

2026-05-05T14:14:39+00:00

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Five new schools are expected to open this fall in the Bronx and Queens: Two will exclusively serve students with significant disabilities, three will have an arts focus, and all promise to incorporate project-based learning.

The new schools aim to ease overcrowding in neighborhoods that have historically been bursting at the seams, city officials said. They also are geared to expand access to seats in District 75, a network of public schools for students with significant disabilities, so students don’t have to travel as far to school.

“Our new schools reflect a bold commitment to expanding access to high-quality, rigorous learning experiences for every student, in every neighborhood,” schools Chancellor Kamar Samuels said in a statement on Thursday.

Several of the new schools have been in the works for a while, but the move to open new campuses comes at a time when the nation’s largest school system is getting smaller, and the city is increasingly eyeing school mergers as it grapples with enrollment losses. There were roughly 793,000 K-12 students, according to preliminary data for this school year. That’s down about 15% from the 2019-20 school year, when the city served about 912,815 students.

The city opened seven new schools this year and nine new schools the year before. The city recently nixed plans to open New Generation Technology High School, a proposed selective school with an AI focus after community members pushed back on its admissions process and raised concerns about AI use in the classroom.

Here’s a look at the schools expected to open in September:

Academy of Cultural Excellence

Long Island City, Queens

The school, which will serve prekindergarten to fifth grade, aims to foster “confident, curious, and compassionate learners,” according to its website. It will embrace project-based learning and the arts, city officials said. Starting in third grade, students will “co-design an individualized learning pathway, allowing them to pursue areas of interest while maintaining strong academic foundations,” said a blurb on MySchools.

The school will not be zoned, according to MySchools. But students from the nearby P.S./I.S. 78, which had a waitlist last year for students in its zone, will get priority.

The school is in District 30, which has long been overcrowded and is one of the few districts where enrollment has been growing. The district is also home to the largest number of new apartments constructed in the past year — more than 2,470 — according to 2026 data from the New York City School Construction Authority. Yet, city officials expect enrollment to decline in the district, along with most others, over the next decade.

Bronx School of Arts & Exploration

Highbridge/South Crotona, Bronx

This District 75 school, for students in grades K-8, will have an arts focus, integrating core academics with visual and performing arts. It will also employ project-based learning and performance-based assessments, school officials said.

The Bronx School of Hip-Hop

Claremont, Bronx

Students at this 9-12 school will study hip-hop — emceeing, DJing, and graffiti — in the borough that birthed the art form. The school will also teach entrepreneurship and civic engagement through music while creating pathways to college, internships, and careers for students, school officials previously said.

“It’s about keeping the Bronx at the center of a culture we gave to the world,” Carl Manalo, the high school superintendent for Districts 7, 9, and 12, said when the city approved the school in December.

Each classroom will operate like a studio, according to the school’s MySchools page, with units culminating in showcases for students’ original work.

Admissions are based on what’s known as “Ed. Opt,” where a certain number of students performing at “high, medium, and low” academic levels are accepted.

Queens Academy for Innovative Learning

Astoria, Queens

Students from grades 6-12 at this District 75 schools will focus on STEM and work-based learning to help prepare them for jobs after high school.

West Q Elementary (P.S. 437)

Woodside, Queens

This new elementary school in Queens’ District 24 will seek to blend math and literacy instruction with more hands-on projects. According to its MySchools page, each grade in the K-5 school will take on a “signature project that connects classroom learning to real-world experiences.” District 24 has roughly 1,300 open seats across its middle and elementary schools, but roughly a third of its 83 school buildings were listed as overcrowded last year, according to city data. The district is also projected to lose among the most students of any district in the next decade, according to the city’s predictions.

West Q will not be zoned, but will give priority to students who live in the district, according to its MySchools page.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Amy Zimmer is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat New York. Contact Amy at azimmer@chalkbeat.org.

Advocates call for $3 million fix for school transportation hurdles faced by students in foster care

2026-04-30T19:23:57+00:00

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It took years of advocacy to secure guaranteed school bus service for New York City students in foster care.

But now, advocates say it can take weeks or more to get that bus service up and running, leaving kids who are already among the most vulnerable in the city with few good options to get to school while they wait.

That’s why they’re calling on city officials to invest $3 million in this year’s budget to come up with a better system to transport kids in foster care while they await bus service.

“At this challenging time in their lives, students should be able to rely on continuous, consistent access to school as a critical source of stability,” the nonprofit Advocates for Children, along with 24 other groups who work with foster youth, wrote in a Tuesday letter to Mayor Zohran Mamdani.

Students in foster care see some of the worst educational outcomes of any student group, with a graduation rate of just 41% last year, and 55% marked chronically absent.

Students in foster care have a legal right to transportation so that they can remain in their school if they move to another part of the city. But for years, the city Education Department used a combination of school bus service and MetroCards to meet that obligation, spurring protests from foster care agencies who said they couldn’t send students to school alone on public transit. A policy of reimbursing agencies for rideshare services posed a similar problem, since students often need chaperones.

The situation improved in recent years after the Education Department launched a dedicated office to oversee education for foster youth. That office helps ensure students are matched to a bus route as quickly as possible and troubleshoots problems.

Even with those improvements, advocates say it can take “weeks or even months” for bus service to start. In the meantime, students can use a rideshare service and request reimbursement. After 10 days, they become eligible for a rideshare program prepaid by the Education Department.

Both those options still require foster parents to accompany kids to school, “a task that is often impossible for foster parents with jobs or other children in the home who attend schools in different communities,” advocates said.

They’re instead proposing alternatives that would allow kids to get to school safely on their own for free. One idea is using vehicles owned by the Administration for Children’s Services, the city’s child welfare agency. Another is contracting with a car service that vets drivers — like Kid Car, which already operates in New York City, or HopSkipDrive, which works with Los Angeles public schools — so that kids don’t need to be accompanied by a chaperone. The city could also hire aides to travel with students, or launch a new transportation service, advocates suggested.

If all else fails, officials could reimburse travel costs for chaperones (whose expenses aren’t covered currently) and raise the cap on daily reimbursements, the letter suggests.

Education Department spokesperson Dominique Ellison pointed to the new office overseeing education for foster youth, and said the agency is trying to “continuously improve our processes.”

“We thank our advocate partners for their ongoing advocacy and attention to students in foster care and we look forward to reviewing their recommendations,” she added.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Mamdani needs home-based childcare providers for 2-K. Can he get them to sign up?

2026-04-28T20:16:00+00:00

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Melissa Reed is the type of childcare provider that Mayor Zohran Mamdani will rely on in his ambitious effort to offer free care to 2-year-olds.

Reed runs a daycare out of her home in Brownsville, Brooklyn — one of four high-needs neighborhoods Mamdani is prioritizing to participate in the inaugural year of “2-K,” set to launch in September with 2,000 seats.

Home-based providers like Reed were largely left out of the city’s free childcare programs for 3- and 4-year-olds, but Mamdani has pledged a more inclusive approach for 2-K. And the city can ill-afford to exclude family childcare providers from 2-K, since the youngest kids are more likely to be enrolled in home-based programs.

Reed has open seats and is interested in joining 2-K. She isn’t eligible, however, because of a little-known bureaucratic requirement that could hamper the city’s efforts to bring home-based providers on board.

How Mamdani’s administration navigates the challenge of recruiting providers like Reed could shape how effectively it stands up the ambitious 2-K program.

In order to contract with the city’s Education Department, home-based childcare operators must be part of a “Family Child Care Network” — a city-funded entity that serves as a middleman between the Education Department and home-based daycare operators. The networks, which are often run by larger childcare providers, handle payment disbursement and enrollment, monitor programs to ensure they meet safety and educational standards, and offer additional support like social workers and professional development.

Currently, only about 20% of the city’s roughly 6,500 home-based daycare operators are part of a network, according to a recent report from The New School.

Some providers want to join a network, but can’t find a spot because many are at capacity, several network operators said. Others, including Reed, are deeply skeptical of joining a network. They’re worried about incurring additional costs, giving up some of their independence, and operating under new restrictions that could make their programs less appealing to families.

“I don’t really have a lot of faith or trust in the networks,” Reed said.

The distrust among some providers is so profound that they’ve taken to calling themselves “never-networkers,” said Tammie Miller, the chapter leader at the United Federation of Teachers representing home-based providers.

While getting 2,000 seats online by the fall may be manageable, meeting Mamdani’s pledge to add 10,000 2-K seats next year and have seats for all of the city’s 2-year-olds by the end of his first term could become “practically impossible” without adjusting the network requirement, Miller said.

“It’s also leaving experienced providers on the sidelines who are more than capable of serving this population, who serve it already,” she said.

Networks help Education Department monitor an unwieldy system

Providers and experts said the concept of the network dates back decades, but took its current form in 2019 when the Education Department assumed control of all of the city’s contracted childcare programs for kids ages 0-5.

In programs like 3-K that rely on scores of individual private childcare providers to contract with the city, the Education Department doesn’t have the manpower to train, oversee, and support that many small programs itself, experts and former officials said. The networks allow the city Education Department to outsource that work.

Proponents of the system say it offers clear advantages for the city, for providers, and for families.

“If you’re in a network, you’re getting visits once a month from your coach, you get one visit a month from a health and safety monitor … somebody is coming to that home at least once a week,” said Emilie Gay, a veteran childcare provider and executive director of the Program Support Family Child Care Network, which oversees roughly 150 providers in Brooklyn and Queens.

“If I was a parent, I would want my child in a network program, because I know there are going to be other eyes on that program,” Gay added. (Non-network providers are also subject to inspections from the city Health Department and the state’s Office of Children and Family Services.)

Some providers said that in a good network, the added support and access to city-funded programs can be worth the added rules and responsibilities.

“Networks do help in the sense of … if I need anything, I can pick up the phone and they’re there to help me,” said Dianne Mejías, a home-based provider in South Jamaica, Queens, who is part of the Parent Support network and is hoping to get some of the initial 2,000 2-K seats this fall.

But for some providers, who have operated independently for years and already feel pushed to the brink, the idea of giving up some control over their program to an outside entity feels unthinkable.

“This has been 17 years of blood, sweat, and tears built into this, and now it feels like I have to give that up to join a 3-K or a 2-K program,” said Lashanda Fraser, a home-based daycare operator in Queens.

In addition to the added oversight, some providers say joining a network brings new expenses in a business where margins are already thin. On average, home-based childcare operators are paid just $6 an hour, the recent New School report found.

Providers said networks often require them to take out insurance policies, which can cost close to $20,000 a year with no additional financial support, and to close on days they’re in network-mandated training, causing them to potentially lose income.

Adding to some providers’ fears is a 2024 incident where, according to city officials, the Education Department issued payments to the Highbridge Advisory Council Family Services, a Bronx childcare network, but the network stopped paying providers and subsequently shut down, leaving some still fighting to get paid.

Lara Kyriakou, the policy director at All Our Kin, an organization that supports home-based providers, said there’s “a lot of variability” in providers’ experiences depending on the network.

Miller, from the teachers union, said she thinks there’s room for the city to be creative about tweaking the network system to make it more appealing for providers. She suggested tapping organizations like hers to run point on providing support. She said the city could also give providers a greater role in shaping networks so they function more like cooperatives, rather than top-down bureaucracies.

A spokesperson for the Education Department did not respond to questions about how the city is working with non-network providers, whether officials are considering any changes to the network model, or how many providers have joined networks recently.

Another looming issue: Will city contracts pay enough?

Joining a network isn’t the only question looming for home-based providers weighing whether they want to participate in the city’s 2-K program.

Some worry the program won’t pay enough to cover their basic costs.

Home-based operators have historically received far less funding through city contracts than larger centers doing the same work. The average extended-day contract for home-based providers last year paid roughly $17,000 per child, compared to more than $27,000 per child for the average center-based contract, according to city data compiled in the New School report.

Providers and network operators said they haven’t gotten a clear answer yet on how much the city will pay for 2-K contracts this year, though many welcomed the recent announcement that the default 2-K contract will run 10 hours a day, 12 months a year — rather than the shorter schedule of six hours and 20 minutes, September to June, that’s most common for 3-K and prekindergarten.

“The fact that the parents are able to get care and not have to pay for it, that’s amazing,” said Mejías, the Queens provider who has asked for 2-K seats this fall. “But how is that going to affect us?”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC pulls contentious proposals to open AI-themed high school, close Upper West Side middle schools

2026-04-27T10:30:00+00:00

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In a major reversal, New York City schools Chancellor Kamar Samuels is withdrawing controversial proposals to open the city’s first artificial intelligence-focused high school, close two middle schools, and relocate another.

The plan to open Next Generation Technology High School as a selective school in downtown Manhattan drew fierce community opposition in recent months. The city also saw intense backlash to its proposals for a slew of Upper West Side schools: to close the middle schools of P.S. 191 and Manhattan School for Children, and to relocate The Center School.

All four proposals were scheduled for a vote Wednesday in front of the city’s Panel for Educational Policy, or PEP. Withdrawing the proposals makes it nearly impossible for them to take effect next school year.

Samuels, who’s entering his fourth month as chancellor under Mayor Zohran Mamdani, said he believes all of the proposals “met multiple goals” but decided it wasn’t fair to advance them so quickly after a major leadership transition. Instead, he hopes to revisit the proposals later on, with a stronger plan for hearing community feedback.

“These proposals were always ambitious,” Samuels told Chalkbeat in an interview Sunday. “I think when you have a transition and you’re hearing simultaneously that families want more time, I want to be a chancellor who listens and engages and understands the complexity of all of the issues.”

The proposals represented an early and personal challenge for the chancellor, who previously served as superintendent of Manhattan’s District 3, where he helped get the ball rolling for the Upper West Side school proposals. As superintendent, Samuels developed a reputation for shepherding complicated school merger proposals to the finish line.

Multiple PEP members expressed serious concerns about the proposals directly to Samuels in recent days, according to several panel members. Chairperson Greg Faulkner penned a letter asking Samuels to withdraw the proposal for Next Generation High School, according to a copy obtained by Chalkbeat. The panel’s main criticism was over the school’s designation as a “screened” school, raising concerns about equity and access.

Samuels said he didn’t withdraw the proposals because of concerns they would not clear the panel’s vote. But losing a high-profile vote could have complicated Mamdani’s campaign pledge to run the school system in a more democratic fashion, especially while pushing to retain control of the school system.

Mamdani is lobbying state lawmakers for a four-year renewal of mayoral control, which expires in June, and an extension of the city’s deadline for complying with the class size law — arguments that hinge in part on his ability to convince them he will be responsive to community needs. (An agreement on mayoral control could be included in the state budget, which is overdue and expected to be finalized soon.)

The Upper West Side proposals were meant to help stabilize flagging enrollment while clearing out space for an overcrowded school to meet the class size requirements, city officials said. But parents and community members from all three schools decried the plans, arguing officials didn’t do enough to engage parents and that the moves would undermine critical support for vulnerable students. Several elected officials planned to hold a press conference Monday morning to oppose the plans.

Meanwhile, the proposal for Next Generation Technology High School, often called “Next Gen,” generated pushback from some families concerned about the role of AI in schools — tapping into a larger debate roiling the city and country.

Education Department officials recently introduced a draft AI playbook that largely sidestepped thorny questions about how to regulate student AI use and drew intense criticism from some parents who feared it encouraged schools to embrace untested technology. Samuels said he wants to focus on finishing that guidance before crafting proposals for schools like Next Gen.

“We have to ensure that any future proposal of a model like Next Gen high school fits the needs of the broader community and aligns with our AI guidance,” he said.

Officials had already solicited applications from eighth graders to Next Gen, though they hadn’t yet offered admission.

Next Gen raises questions about AI, equity

Officials had been moving swiftly to open Next Gen, a selective Lower Manhattan school geared toward preparing students for jobs in cyber security, computer science, robotics, and math. It would also teach students to be “builders as well as ethical users of AI and other modern technologies,” according to the city’s proposal for the school.

Supporters of selective schools, which typically admit students based on their middle school course grades, said the program would allow students to explore an emerging technology and help prepare them for competitive tech jobs.

But critics argued the school’s planning process was rushed, its mission was unclear, and it could enable companies like Google and OpenAI to influence how AI is used in city classrooms. Both companies were part of the school’s planning team, and Manhattan High Schools Superintendent Gary Beidleman said his experience as a Google Education Innovation Fellow in 2024 inspired his decision to push for the new program.

Some panel members raised concerns that the school was slated to admit students based on their academic records rather than being open to anyone and pressed officials about why the campus was planned for Lower Manhattan as opposed to higher-need areas of the city.

“If they’re talking about this technology really being something that is going to become more global … why would we be exclusive in who can have access?” said Faulkner, the chair.

Panel members raised the idea of introducing an AI literacy course that could be used across multiple schools, rather than concentrating on a single standalone school.

Faulkner added that he worries about opening more screened schools “that have historically segregated” students.

Samuels said he believes the city’s current system for deciding admission to selective schools, which groups students into five tiers based on their seventh grade marks, is working.

“I’m not necessarily looking to make major changes to screens in high school,” he said.

Panel members were also frustrated with how top officials handled public discussions about the school. Several pointed out that district officials’ communication about the school seemed to suggest it was already approved, even though it hadn’t yet cleared a panel vote.

Under the city’s original proposal, Next Generation would have taken the place of the Urban Assembly School of Business for Young Women, which currently enrolls just 91 students. The city is still moving forward with plans to close that school.

Families at a middle school on the same campus, Lower Manhattan Community School, had also raised concerns about Next Generation because they have long pushed for space in the building to make the school a program for grades 6-12 rather than 6-8.

District 3 proposals test city’s commitment to parent engagement

The move to withdraw three controversial proposals in District 3 came after months of outcry from families and educators in the district. They argued the process felt rushed and the timing of the decision would force families who planned to enroll in the two middle school programs slated for closure, P.S. 191 and the Manhattan School for Children, to scramble to find new schools for this fall.

Some families at P.S. 191 felt the school, which enrolled many asylum-seeking children, had not been properly supported by the city’s Education Department. The Manhattan School for Children developed a reputation for including students with disabilities in classes alongside their general education peers. Families feared they would not be able to find similarly welcoming campuses elsewhere.

Meanwhile, city officials contended that the middle schools were too small to be sustainable and offer solid academic programming. P.S. 191’s middle school currently enrolls 126 students, while the Manhattan School for Children has about 130, according to state data.

Yet the pushback put Samuels in an awkward position because Mamdani came into office promising to give families and educators a voice in the policy process.

For his part, Samuels said he wanted to give the acting superintendent of District 3, Reginald Higgins, time to develop his own strategy and build public support.

“He and all the superintendents around the city have to engage locally to collectively come up with proposals that will benefit everyone — and I think I want to give him a chance to do that,” Samuels said.

The administration has shown a willingness to back away from controversial proposals — including a fourth one for the district.

Last month, the city withdrew plans to close the Community Action School after a Center School mom made a racist remark caught on a hot mic while a Community Action Student was testifying at a public meeting. That episode drew international attention and prompted Samuels to promise an expansion of the Education Department’s Black studies curriculum and new parent training.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Alex Zimmerman is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

Hochul moves to protect undocumented students’ right to public schooling as national challenges mount

2026-04-17T20:23:24+00:00

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New York Gov. Kathy Hochul on Thursday put forward a proposal to protect undocumented students’ right to attend public school for free, as efforts pick up in other parts of the country to chip away at that longstanding legal precedent.

Hochul’s proposal, part of a larger package of policies meant to shore up protections for immigrant New Yorkers, would enshrine in state law the rights guaranteed in Plyler v. Doe, the seminal 1982 Supreme Court case, which established undocumented students’ right to attend K-12 public schools at no cost.

The conservative Heritage Foundation, the group behind the Project 2025 blueprint, has pushed for a legal showdown over Plyler in the conservative-majority Supreme Court. States, including Tennessee, have introduced legislation that would empower school districts to collect information on students’ immigration status and charge undocumented students tuition. And the U.S. House of Representatives’ Judiciary Committee held a hearing last month on the “adverse effects of Plyler v. Doe.”

Hochul’s proposal would put New York in a small group of states that have enshrined Plyler in state law.

The group of proposals Hochul announced Thursday would also prohibit public school employees from letting federal law enforcement officers into school buildings without a judicial warrant. New York schools would not be allowed to ask students about their immigration status under the proposals. (New York City’s Education Department has long enforced the policy that schools do not ask students for immigration status.)

They also bar local law enforcement from cooperating with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, agents on civil immigration enforcement, though some advocates and lawmakers have pushed Hochul to go further by banning cooperation in criminal cases as well.

Some education advocates praised the proposals, saying they’ll provide reassurance to New York students and families.

“These measures preserve the rights of all students, regardless of immigration status, and protect those rights from shifts in federal law or Supreme Court precedent,” the group Ed-Trust New York said in a statement.

Hochul’s proposals, if adopted, would show up in the final state budget, which is currently under negotiation between Hochul and the state legislature.

The budget was due April 1, but lawmakers are still hashing out the details and agreed to extend the budget through April 20.

Correction: April 20, 2026: This story has been updated to reflect that the Heritage Foundation has pushed to overturn Plyler v. Doe, but did not include that goal in its Project 2025 blueprint.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

How to make NYC’s high school process fairer? Add support and simplify, advocates argue.

2026-04-14T15:57:34+00:00

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Debates over how to make New York City’s high school admissions system fairer have often focused on the criteria schools use to select students.

But a new report released Tuesday urges the city to take a closer look at the application process itself, arguing that it favors families with time and resources.

Each year, tens of thousands of eighth graders choose 12 or more options from a list of over 700 programs spread across roughly 400 high schools, with varying admissions rules. Some families spend hours poring through information online, visiting schools in person or virtually, submitting supplementary application materials, or even hiring paid admissions consultants.

Many other families lack the time, money, language, computer access, or support to decipher the complex application system, leaving their kids with a more limited set of high school choices.

“That process is going to be complex no matter what,” said Nyah Berg, executive director of New York Appleseed and one of the report’s co-authors. “The more that we can do to recognize that and simplify it so that everyone has equal access to a public high school, the better off we’ll be.”

But simplifying the admissions process can only go so far, the authors said: The city must also do more to support families at the biggest disadvantage in navigating the admissions process, including those whose first language is not English and those living in temporary housing.

Middle schools should have counselors and curriculum dedicated to helping students prepare for the high school admissions process — similar to the way high schools have staff and classes dedicated to helping students transition to college and careers, the report by Appleseed and Fordham Law School’s Feerick Center for Social Justice contends. The report is the third in a series of admissions reform recommendations from a committee that includes academics, parents, and service providers. (Education Department staffers attend meetings, but don’t play a role in issuing recommendations.)

The authors identified some ways to streamline the process for families.

In many cases, a single high school offers multiple programs that require separate applications but in practice operate similarly, according to the authors. Some of those programs could be consolidated in order to cut down on the number of options applicants have to consider, the report argues. Bayside High School in Queens, for example, has eight programs that are all separate for admissions purposes.

The multiple program options within a single school was one of the things that caught Brooklyn parent Elysha Louison off guard when she began looking at high schools with her eighth grade son last fall.

“You click on a school, and then there could be 5-10 different schools within that school,” she said. “There’s no way you would have the time … to research all these schools.”

Education Department officials have taken steps toward making the application process more centralized and transparent, including standardizing the admissions criteria at most selective high schools, adding a tool that allows families to estimate their chances of admission, and listing information about schools on a central website, the authors said.

“We remain steadfast in our commitment to support every student and family in successfully navigating the high school admissions process,” said Education Department spokesperson Chyann Tull. She added that the city offers in-person admissions help at family welcome centers and has a call center with support in multiple languages.

For Louison, better preparation starting in seventh grade, when students’ grades in core classes count for admissions at selective high schools, would have made a big difference.

“They tell you in seventh grade, ‘You’re going to apply [for] high school, get ready’… but they don’t really tell you what the process is like,” said Louison, who got additional support with the application process through the youth development organization Boy’s Club of New York.

Helping middle schools to better support families through the high school application process will require additional funding and staff, the authors said. Guidance counselors are already stretched thin and have little extra capacity to serve as admissions counselors. As of this year, there was one guidance counselor for every 259 students on average across city schools, according to Education Department data.

The authors point to a model the city could emulate: Several nonprofits run “middle school success centers” devoted to supporting students in underresourced communities with the high school application process.

Berg hopes that by providing more and better information to families, the city can also start to chip away at another feature of the application process that adds to the stress: the “scarcity mindset” that drives a disproportionate number of applications to a small number of well-known, often selective, schools.

The Education Department’s “past and present policy decisions have fueled a false notion that only a handful of ‘good’ schools can meet a student’s academic needs,” Berg said in a statement. “That narrative must change.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC’s new 2-K program will offer free child care 10 hours a day, 260 days a year, Mamdani says

2026-04-09T18:40:55+00:00

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Most of the 2,000 initial seats available through Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s new free child care program for 2-year-olds will run 10 hours a day, year-round, officials said Thursday.

The full-day and full-year coverage sets the 2-K program apart from the city’s 3-K and prekindergarten programs, which in most cases only cover the cost of child care for six hours and 20 minutes a day from September to June, following the K-12 school calendar.

That limited coverage forces many working families to pay out of pocket for child care in the afternoons and summer months, adding up to thousands of dollars a year.

“For too long, parents have been forced to choose between their livelihood and their children, or to drain their savings just to make it through the workday,” Mamdani said in a statement. “That ends now.”

The extended calendar means families will get 260 days a year of free child care, compared to 180 under the school year calendar.

The city is currently in the process of issuing contracts to private child care providers who will get city funding to offer the initial 2,000 2-K seats. Officials are rolling out the program in five school districts, covering areas in Manhattan, Queens, Brooklyn, and the Bronx with high levels of need.

City officials are planning to open an additional 10,000 2-K seats in fall 2027, and hope to bring the program citywide by the end of Mamdani’s first mayoral term in 2030.

Applications for families open in June for children who turn 2 in 2026, and the program starts in September. But at some programs, because of health codes, children who turn 2 between the start of the program in September and the end of 2026 will have to wait until their second birthday to start.

Child care providers in the 2-K program will still have the option of offering a school year and school day calendar if that better suits their families’ needs, according to city officials, who didn’t provide an estimate on how many seats would run for limited hours.

In the city’s 3-K and pre-K programs, the vast majority of seats run for only school day and school year hours. A smaller number of seats run for extended hours, but are only open to families who qualify as low income. Those full day and full year seats have been filled at a far lower rate than the school day and school year seats, which are open to all children in the designated age group.

Officials said the cost of extended hours for the 2-K program is covered under Gov. Kathy Hochul’s commitment to fund the first two years of the rollout. They didn’t immediately say what the cost difference is between a 2-K seat that follows the school calendar and a full-year seat.

Advocates are pushing the city to make more 3-K and pre-K seats full day and full year.

“We’re closer than ever to the child care system New York families have asked for and deserve,” said Rebecca Bailin, executive director of New Yorkers United for Child Care. “We’re not stopping until we get there.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC’s homeless students struggle to get to school. Advocates want more funding, coordination.

2026-04-06T10:00:01+00:00

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It’s been six months since Dorainy Santos and her two sons moved from Pennsylvania to a homeless shelter in the Bronx, and her kindergartner still hasn’t started school.

Santos first visited her neighborhood public school, where officials told her they couldn’t accommodate the 5-year-old, who has autism and requires a smaller class. They referred her to the city’s District 75 programs for students with complex disabilities.

Santos then spent months waiting, finally getting a spot after contacting the nonprofit Advocates for Children for help. But the school is 35 minutes away from her shelter, and Santos is now waiting on the school bus service the city promised.

“Because my son isn’t going to school, I can’t start my job search” and begin earning income to rent her own apartment, Santos, an immigrant from the Dominican Republic, said in Spanish. “And it has limited my son too … I need a professional who can educate him on an academic level.”

Cases like Santos’ — where children in the city’s overburdened shelter system struggle to enroll in or regularly attend school — remain all too common, advocates say.

Last school year, 63% of the roughly 65,000 students who lived in homeless shelters were marked chronically absent — meaning they missed at least 1 in 10 school days. That’s more than double the rate of students with permanent housing, according to newly released data from Advocates for Children.

Many students in shelters routinely face long commutes, transportation delays, and frequent moves during the school year, pushing them further behind academically, families and advocates say.

In response, some advocates are pushing both the state and city governments to step up funding and coordination of services for homeless students.

At the state level, both the Assembly and Senate included in their budget proposals changes to the state funding formula that would drive additional money to districts with large shares of homeless students. Those proposals would bring anywhere between $93 million and $486 million additional dollars to New York City, where roughly 1 in 7 students was homeless last year, according to estimates. Advocates are pushing Gov Kathy Hochul, who did not include the funding shift in her proposed budget, to adopt it.

In city government, advocates say there’s far too little coordination between the various agencies — including the Education and Social Services departments — that have a role in overseeing homeless students, creating unnecessary bureaucratic hurdles for families.

“Only bold leadership from City Hall can bring the urgency and coordination needed to ensure students who are homeless can get to school every day and access the educational support they need to thrive,” said Jennifer Pringle, director of Advocates for Children’s Learners in Temporary Housing Project.

“Far too often, our students in temporary housing are left behind without the resources and supports they need to succeed,” schools Chancellor Kamar Samuels said in a statement. “Under this administration, we will work to tackle those longstanding issues head on.”

Samuels said he supports the increase in state aid and that the city has a “robust network of interagency partnerships” to help address chronic absenteeism and educational outcomes for homeless students.

Jenna Lyle, a spokesperson for Mayor Zohran Mamdani, added that the administration is “expanding outreach programs we know work” and improving coordination between the Education Department and other city agencies.

Transportation barriers drive down school attendance

The barriers keeping homeless students from regular school attendance aren’t new. Many families wind up in shelters far from their kids’ schools, forcing them to endure long commutes or transfer schools midway through the year, upending relationships and academic progress. And despite their legal entitlement to school bus transportation, families in shelters often end up waiting weeks or more for yellow bus service to start, advocates say.

Roughly 1 in 5 families in shelters were living in a different borough than their youngest child’s school last year, according to city data. A spokesperson for the Department of Social Services, which oversees family shelters, noted that figure has ticked down in recent years and said the agency reaches out to families with long commutes whenever a shelter placement closer to their school opens up.

Still, roughly 20% of children living in shelters switched schools at least once last year, more than four times the rate of students in permanent housing, according to data from Advocates for Children.

Some of those challenges have compounded in recent years as the city’s shelter system saw an influx of tens of thousands of new migrant families. The city erected dozens of emergency shelters and introduced policies meant to limit families’ shelter stays, which may have increased the churn for families and schools.

Over the past year, as the city’s shelter population has declined, officials have closed some of those emergency shelters.

All of that disruption and dislocation can be detrimental to students’ academic progress, advocates say. Just 33% of homeless students in grades 3-8 scored proficient on state reading tests last year, compared to 60% of students in permanent housing, according to the data.

City officials have made some efforts to boost support for homeless students in recent years, including extending pandemic emergency funding for Education Department staffers who work in shelters and launching a program that pairs homeless students with adult mentors to improve attendance.

But kids like Santos’ continue to slip through the cracks.

She urged the city to focus on hiring staffers with the skills and empathy to quickly help families in shelters with challenges like finding special education spots and arranging bus transportation. That way, she said, kids like her son won’t “fall behind so much waiting at home.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Dylan’s return: NYC’s first public school student detained by ICE returns to school after 10 months

2026-03-31T20:03:00+00:00

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Dylan Lopez Contreras sat waiting for a copy of his class schedule in a sunny fourth-floor room of his Bronx high school as his counselor walked in wearing a “Free Dylan” button attached to the strap of his messenger bag.

Dylan stood, and Hedin Bernard lifted Dylan’s more-than-6-foot frame off the floor in a tight bear hug.

It had been more than 10 months since Dylan set foot in ELLIS Preparatory Academy, a high school geared toward older, newly arrived immigrant students. The last time the two had seen each other, Dylan’s hair was dyed purple and just covered his ears. Now, it fell below the 21-year-old’s shoulders and the purple dye had faded to yellow.

Dylan Lopez Contreras, center, listens as school counselor Janeen Padilla, left, goes over his new schedule in her office on his first day of school after spending close to 10 months in immigration custody.

Last May, federal immigration officials arrested Dylan in a Manhattan courthouse after his asylum hearing, making him the first known New York City public school student detained during President Donald Trump’s second term. The Venezuelan native became the public face of an aggressive new phase of the government’s mass deportation campaign, remaining in custody until his release last week.

After Dylan’s arrest, his mom Raiza’s first call was to Bernard. Ever since then, Bernard has, along with ELLIS founding Principal Norma Vega, led the school’s efforts to rally behind Dylan, which included helping to put Raiza in touch with lawyers and advocates, organizing a student letter-writing campaign, and supporting a fundraiser for the family. With Dylan’s return to ELLIS, they hope he can focus on “what will happen, not what did happen,” Vega said.

But the jubilation of Dylan’s return has been mixed with frequent reminders of the looming threat of immigration enforcement facing him and other ELLIS students.

Dylan catches up with school counselor, Hedin Bernard, left, in the halls of ELLIS on his first day back at school.

Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, released Dylan while he awaits a decision on an appeal in his asylum case. An immigration judge rejected his claim last year, and the appeals process could take years, according to his lawyers from the New York Legal Assistance Group. But ICE has the ability to take him back into custody at any time and requires regular check-ins, his lawyers said.

Shortly after Bernard reunited with Dylan Tuesday morning, as Dylan scarfed down a donut and drank coffee poured from Bernard’s thermos, the counselor invited him to join a college trip that week.

ELLIS staffers believe that preparing immigrant students for college is the surest path out of poverty. The trip would visit three colleges in upstate New York.

Dylan glanced down at his leg, where a black ankle monitor had been attached as a condition of his release. With his travel restrictions, Dylan knew he likely couldn’t attend.

But that didn’t slow down the ELLIS staffers for long. Later that morning, Bernard asked a colleague to invite college representatives to ELLIS, so Dylan wouldn’t have to leave school to meet them.

Left, a pin dedicated to Dylan Lopez Contreras hangs on a bag belonging to counselor Hedin Bernard at his office. And right, Dylan Lopez Contreras now wears an ankle monitor after his release from ICE detention.

Dylan’s detention still lingers

The swiftness of the changes over the past two weeks has been hard for Dylan to comprehend.

Dylan, center, sits for a portrait in the cafeteria at ELLIS.

After months in Moshannon Valley Processing Center, a Western Pennsylvania detention facility, Dylan had stood at a crowded press conference, flanked by Gov. Kathy Hochul and Mayor Zohran Mamdani, thanking his supporters in Spanish from under the blue brim of a New York Knicks hat.

He had been sleeping on a thin cot in a cell with more than 70 men. Now he was in his own bed, cuddled with his younger siblings, ages 8 and 10, who had asked to sleep next to him. And after losing about 30 pounds in detention because he often couldn’t stomach the food, Dylan had a phalanx of adults at ELLIS showering him with food, free school supplies, and affection.

“It’s a big contrast, to go through so much mistreatment, and then come back to people who love and support you,” he said in Spanish.

Still, his thoughts drift back to a friend in detention nicknamed “El Mayor,” or the elder, who has already called Dylan to let him know how happy he was to hear about his release and to ask if he could use his public profile to advocate for the release of others. (Dylan did exactly that at his press conference.) As long as those men remain in detention, Moshannon Valley is “not going to feel very far away,” he said.

A Department of Homeland Security spokesperson denied that there were any problems with the conditions at Moshannon. “All detainees are provided with proper meals, water, medical treatment, and have opportunities to communicate with their family members and lawyers,” the spokesperson said. “In fact, ICE has higher detention standards than most U.S. prisons that hold actual U.S. citizens.”

ELLIS staffers said reintegrating Dylan into school will mean helping him catch up on all he missed over the past 10 months while also processing the ongoing trauma of his detention.

While Dylan was incarcerated, his classmates had gone to Washington, D.C., prepared for or taken Regents exams they needed for graduation, and kept up with the guitar lessons Dylan enjoyed before his arrest.

Letters from his classmates helped sustain him as his detention stretched from days to months, and his optimism for a quick release faded. He watched new detainees — including grandparents and young kids — come and go while he remained locked up.

Dylan had no formal education in detention. But he was determined to do what he could to keep up with his English.

Dylan Lopez Contreras, 21, center, walks with Norma Vega, founding principal at ELLIS, left, to his counselor's office to prepare a class schedule on his first day of school after having spent close to 10 months in immigration custody.

He practiced speaking with cellmates from places like China and the United Kingdom and to advocate for better treatment from the guards.

He devoured manga and Marvel comics donated by the advocacy group ROCC NYC, which played a critical role in supporting his family and keeping public attention on his case. He scoured an English dictionary from the facility’s library to learn new vocabulary but had no one to check his pronunciation. And he tried to read some classics, such as Mary Shelley’s “Frankenstein” and “Chronicle of a Death Foretold” by Colombian author Gabriel García Márquez.

When he returned to ELLIS last week, Vega stopped him in the hallway to hand him a gift from a staffer in her district office: a copy of Dante’s “Divine Comedy,” another classic Dylan had asked to read but couldn’t get a copy of.

Dylan, who had fled Venezuelan dictator Nicolas Maduro’s repressive regime, had been kidnapped by a Mexican cartel on his journey to the U.S., and spent 10 months in ICE custody, had said he wanted to understand Dante’s nine circles of hell.

ELLIS gears up to help Dylan adjust

Staffers at ELLIS are accustomed to helping students navigate all kinds of trauma, but they’d never had a student return from long-term incarceration, Bernard said.

Dylan’s counselors at ELLIS plan to refer him to a Spanish-speaking therapist through a mental health clinic located on the first floor of ELLIS’ building, Bernard said. And staffers will watch for any signs that he is struggling.

Dylan, left, goes over notes during a biology class with Hugo Ortega at ELLIS Prep in the Bronx.

They’re also hoping to give Dylan chances to enjoy himself outside academic courses, though his ankle monitor is complicating those plans. His counselor enrolled Dylan in a swim class, but Dylan worried about getting the device wet.

Schools in New York are required to continue enrolling students through age 21, but state law doesn’t stop them from staying longer if the school agrees, Vega said.

ELLIS staffers don’t want to keep Dylan in high school longer than necessary but are encouraging him to stay for two years, so he can master English before applying to college.

In the meantime, he is eager to earn money to help his mom and siblings with rent. He hopes to take a bartending course so he can work at night without interfering with his school schedule.

Dylan worked long hours as a delivery driver before his arrest, and Bernard remains concerned about how long he’ll want to stay in school.

Staffers at ELLIS are working on finding him an internship that allows him to make money while learning new skills and burnishing his college resume.

Dylan said he’s willing to stay at ELLIS “as long as it takes.”

Dylan, center, arrives in the cafeteria at ELLIS to hugs and jubilation on his first day back at school after his release from immigration detention.

Dylan and ELLIS face an uncertain future

Dylan’s arrest, and the aggressive escalation in immigration enforcement it represented, cast a long shadow over ELLIS over the past 10 months, reaching into every aspect of its work.

Students had begun to talk more openly about self-deportation. Pressure to abandon school for work grew as students confronted their diminished prospects for building a future in the U.S. And ELLIS’ enrollment, like that at immigrant-heavy schools across the city, has declined as border crossings slowed to a trickle.

Many of the ELLIS students who greeted Dylan Tuesday with tearful hugs and exclamations like “bienvenidos, loco!” (welcome back, crazy!) had endured their own brushes with immigration enforcement.

Dylan saw a friend whose mother was deported while he was in detention, leaving her without a way to pay rent or look after her toddler during school hours. Dylan’s friend Bridget is considering returning to Ecuador in part because of the fear of ICE. Another student saw Dylan’s ankle monitor and asked a staff member what the device did, adding that her dad had one too, Bernard said.

Dylan eats lunch with friends in the cafeteria at ELLIS.

And when Dylan greeted two fellow Venezuelan students, one asked if he’d had to sleep on the floor — noting that’s where he’d slept after being detained while crossing the border. “I know the floor,” Dylan responded with a wry smile.

During lunch time, Dylan settled into a booth with friends and munched on mozzarella sticks. He had a newfound appreciation for school cafeteria food.

His friendships were what Dylan missed most about ELLIS, and there was lots to catch up on. The conversation soon turned to an ordinary high school concern: Dylan had to figure out what color to dye his hair next.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC’s Education Dept. is releasing a long-awaited AI policy. Some schools already have their own.

2026-03-23T21:37:33+00:00

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By last spring, it had become clear to Manhattan Assistant Principal Joe Vincente that his school had an artificial intelligence problem.

Staffers at East Side Community School were holding multiple meetings a week with students suspected of using AI inappropriately for schoolwork. AI platforms were multiplying at a dizzying pace. And the city Education Department had offered no formal guidance for schools.

Navigating the moment without a policy felt unsustainable, Vincente recalled. “The need was reaching a fever pitch.”

In the months that followed, Vincente convened a committee of staff members, gathered input from students and parents, hired substitutes so the committee could hole up in the library uninterrupted, and spent hours of his own time out of work hammering out a 12-page draft AI policy. They based their approach on a core tenet: “As a community dedicated to deep learning, we prohibit the unsupervised use of generative AI for all schoolwork and assessments.”

The city’s Education Department is expected to release its own long-awaited citywide draft AI policy for schools on Tuesday, more than two years since ChatGPT upended what students and teachers could do with the click of a button. In that time, schools across the five boroughs have come up with a wide variety of approaches on their own, according to interviews with educators, parents, and students at 10 schools. The school-level efforts offer a preview of the complex task facing the Education Department as it seeks to chart a path forward at a moment when the value and role of AI in education is fiercely contested.

Some, like East Side Community, have crafted comprehensive policies detailing acceptable and unacceptable uses of the technology, along with how the school should respond. Others have tried to keep AI out of classrooms altogether. Many, however, haven’t broached the topic in a formal way.

A growing chorus of educators and parents are calling for a full moratorium on its use in school, pointing to the academic, environmental, and mental health risks of AI. Others argue it would do city students a disservice not to expose them to a transformative technology already deeply embedded in our economy and society. Those conflicts have burst into public view with increasing frequency in recent months in debates over whether to approve contracts with AI companies and a new AI-focused high school in Manhattan. (After the city releases its policy, the public will have 45 days to offer feedback.)

Caught in the center of the swirl are schools and teachers.

“There are a lot of extreme opinions, and I think somewhere in the middle is our responsibility as educators to wrestle with the tension of all of those things and then decide what’s best for our students and our communities,” Vincente said.

At East Side, which is part of the New York Performance Standards Consortium that allows students to complete portfolio assessments rather than Regents Exams to graduate, educators decided it was most important to nurture students’ critical thinking skills — even if it meant curbing or supervising AI use.

“If we send them out in the world with all of these other really strong skills that we believe in, critical reading and strong writing, they’ll be able to learn AI if they need to,” Vincente said.

NYC schools struggle to keep up with growing AI use

Keeping up with the dizzying changes in AI has bewildered many city schools. The city Education Department’s approach has swung wildly, from initially banning ChatGPT on school devices in January 2023, to pledging in May of the same year to become a national leader in embracing the use of AI in schools.

There’s now a variety of chatbots capable of doing complex work, and AI is built into functions as basic as email and Google search, making it nearly impossible to avoid. Educators who spoke with Chalkbeat said they routinely encounter students using AI to shortcut writing assignments — and can’t rely solely on online “AI detectors” to ferret it out.

At many schools, administrators have kept their distance, waiting for the city to develop a clear set of guidelines and leaving it largely to teachers to handle the day-to-day instances of AI use.

That’s led to a frustrating two years for some educators, especially in humanities courses that rely heavily on writing.

“I would love clear rules … and I feel that I do not have backup,” said a Brooklyn high school English teacher who requested anonymity for fear of jeopardizing her job. “The administrators … do not recognize the extent of the problem.”

Many English and social studies teachers have figured out their own ways to restructure the writing process, moving away from take-home essays and having students write their work by hand during class time in order to ensure students don’t turn to AI.

“I have gone back to paper. For last semester, I did all in-class writing,” said Jessica Radin, a social studies teacher at The Beacon School in Manhattan, which also shifted its admissions essay in-person last year in order to avoid concerns about students using AI or paid tutors.

There are downsides of shifting to in-class assignments, including shorter essays that eat up more instructional time. But Radin said she’s been pleasantly surprised by how well she’s gotten to know her students’ writing this year.

Adam Stevens, a social studies teacher at Brooklyn Technical High School, the city’s largest with almost 6,000 students, knows he doesn’t have the bandwidth to scour every assignment for signs of AI. So he makes the case that students will be putting themselves at a disadvantage in college by leaning on AI — and tries to pose questions with a personal component that students will find “too important for them to feed into a chatbot.”

Enterprising staffers take the lead

At schools trying to take a more comprehensive approach to AI, it often comes down to having a staff member with the expertise and motivation to lead the charge.

At Sunset Park High School in Brooklyn and John Bowne High School in Queens, teachers who attended professional development sessions sponsored by the American Federation of Teachers through a $23 million “AI Academy,” brought back resources and helped launch faculty committees at their schools.

“The reality is it’s here, and [students] are going to use it,” said Jennifer Goodnow, an English as a Second Language teacher at Sunset Park High School, who attended the union-sponsored training. “We can’t stop that but … our school can teach kids about the potential pitfalls.”

Goodnow said she was particularly concerned to learn some students are turning to chatbots to discuss mental health struggles, and she hopes the school can play a bigger role educating kids and parents about the possible risks and offering alternative outlets.

Some schools have taken more aggressive measures to try to keep AI out of classrooms. At Williamsburg Charter High School, officials decided earlier this school year to ban ChatGPT on school devices, said Jeremiah Dickerson, an 18-year-old senior. (School officials didn’t respond to a request for comment.) But while Dickerson acknowledged some students misuse AI, he argued the school’s approach isn’t likely to be effective or productive.

“If AI is banned in my school,” he said, “and then I go to college and an AI is everywhere, how does that really effectively prepare me to use it?”

As schools develop AI policies, they dig into the gray area

There’s little disagreement that asking AI to generate an entire essay is a violation of academic integrity. But as schools develop their AI policies, they are digging into more nuanced scenarios — and finding the answers aren’t always clear cut.

Can AI be used, for example, to direct students to sources for a history paper? Or is there something valuable students would miss in the process of finding those sources in a different way?

It’s also not always obvious what consequences to apply: Sometimes it’s unclear whether students even knew they were using AI, given its ubiquity online.

At Brooklyn Collaborative School in Carroll Gardens, administrators acknowledge the rules might vary depending on the teacher and assignment. They ask educators to include a “traffic light” on each task that outline a few clearly permissible uses of AI (green light), a few where students should exercise caution (yellow), and a few clearly impermissible ones (red), said Chrissy Prince, the school’s data specialist.

It’s not only student AI use that can grow murky. Educators are also experimenting with AI to craft lesson plans, create resources for students, and offer feedback.

Vincente, who was part of a district-sponsored fellowship to learn how to use an education-oriented AI tool called Playlab, acknowledged the lines can be blurry and emphasized the importance of understanding the school’s values while trusting teachers to carry them out. That’s why East Side staffers decided to only endorse student AI use that’s supervised by school staff.

“Just kids out there roaming in the wild of AI,” he said, “more often than not, what they’re going to do and experience with that is actually going to be a detriment to the learning that we want to happen.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Dylan Lopez Contreras, first NYC student detained by ICE in Trump’s second term, released after 10 months

2026-03-18T17:18:28+00:00

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Dylan Lopez Contreras, the first New York City public school student detained by federal immigration officials during President Donald Trump’s second term, was released Tuesday night after spending 10 months in federal custody, according to his mother and his legal team.

Dylan, now 21, was a student at ELLIS Preparatory Academy, a Bronx school geared toward older, newly arrived immigrant students, and his arrest was one of the highest-profile early examples of an unprecedented tactical shift in immigration enforcement last year in which officers arrested immigrants in the hallways of federal court following their legal hearings. Chalkbeat first reported Dylan’s arrest.

Kristin Kepplinger, a spokesperson from the New York Legal Assistance Group, which had been representing Dylan in his immigration court case and federal habeas corpus lawsuit, said the reason for his release wasn’t yet clear, as they had yet to review his release documents.

His legal team was thankful to Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s administration and to the office of U.S. Sen. Chuck Schumer who’d been advocating for his release, Kepplinger added.

Dylan’s federal habeas corpus petition was denied. An immigration judge also denied his asylum claim, but his lawyers appealed.

A spokesperson for the Department of Homeland Security didn’t respond to a request for comment on Dylan’s release.

A native of Venezuela, Dylan first entered the country in 2024 through a program under former President Joe Biden that allowed migrants to make appointments to cross the border and seek asylum.

Dylan’s arrest quickly earned local and national attention, prompting former Mayor Eric Adams’ administration to file an amicus brief seeking his release, along with rallies and calls from national elected officials. Last month, Dylan’s mother, Raiza Contreras, attended the State of the Union with Sen. Chuck Schumer.

““[I’m] emotional,” Raiza told Chalkbeat in a brief interview Wednesday in Spanish. “I’m grateful to God first and foremost and to all the people who were present in this case.”

Gov. Kathy Hochul said on X Wednesday that she mentioned Dylan’s name in a recent meeting with Trump’s border czar, Tom Homan.

Mamdani said the city was “overjoyed” by Dylan’s release.

“Throughout this injustice, Dylan has shown remarkable strength, resilience, and courage,” the mayor said in a statement.

Even as federal immigration enforcement swept up other city students — some of whom subsequently won quick releases — Dylan remained in custody in Western Pennsylvania for nearly a year. In a September interview with Chalkbeat from detention, he described the frustration and depression of having his life put on hold.

Norma Vega, the principal of ELLIS, where staffers rallied behind Dylan and helped coordinate legal and other forms of support for the family, said she believes the sustained public campaign for Dylan’s release paid off.

“It confirmed for me we did the right thing,” she said. “Keeping him in the public eye, he became the face of every immigrant youth across the country.”

She added: “It was about this kid who they [the federal government] inaccurately thought was alone … and how important it was for us to let them know he’s not alone.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Gwynne Hogan covers immigration and homelessness for THE CITY.

As NYC expands free child care, CUNY tries to grow its teacher pipeline

2026-03-17T16:27:58+00:00

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Rosalinda Rodriguez knows first hand what a difference free, high-quality child care can make for a New York City family.

Several years ago, Rodriguez, a 25-year-old single mom, enrolled her then-toddler-age son in a federally funded Early Head Start program on Manhattan’s Lower East Side. Staffers there helped support her son with a speech disability and freed up Rodriguez to work part time.

Years later, her son is thriving in elementary school, and Rodriguez decided to pursue her long-time dream of attending college, enrolling at CUNY’s Borough of Manhattan Community College last fall to study early childhood education.

“It definitely feels like I got a second chance,” said Rodriguez, who hopes she can help families like hers. “There’s lots of low-income families that need child care, and kids need to get an education. [They] need someone who cares.”

Students like Rodriguez are at the heart of a new push from CUNY officials to bolster the city’s early childhood education workforce as Mayor Zohran Mamdani embarks on a historic expansion of free child care.

City officials haven’t said exactly how many new early childhood educators the expansion plans will require, but the need could be acute.

Mamdani, with funding from Gov. Kathy Hochul, has pledged to open 2,000 free child care seats for 2-year-olds this fall, and an additional 10,000 seats a year later, before growing the program to accommodate any city 2-year-old by its fourth year. He also expanded the city’s existing 3-K program by 1,000 seats in an effort to increase supply in oversubscribed neighborhoods.

Across CUNY’s 26 campuses, roughly 3,600 students are working toward a degree in early childhood education, university officials said. Chancellor Félix Matos Rodríguez recently asked all of the college presidents to review their early childhood education curriculum and ensure they’re pushing students out into the work force as quickly as possible.

“This is a moment where we need to meet the city’s demand for their work force,” Matos Rodríguez told Chalkbeat last week during a visit to a child development course at Borough of Manhattan Community College.

For aspiring early childhood educators who don’t want to pursue a full associate or bachelor’s degree, CUNY launched a free apprenticeship program last year to place them in assistant teacher roles. CUNY officials also hope that a separate state-funded program called Reconnect could prove particularly effective in bringing new early educators into the fold: It offers financial support for older students without a college degree to enroll in coursework in high-demand fields.

“You might have people out there who have experience working with kids and they have not been able to get their degree,” Matos Rodríguez said. “[Here’s] a chance to come do that, get an associate, it’s paid for, and be ready for when that credential becomes necessary.”

At a recent City Council hearing, Emmy Liss, Mamdani’s newly appointed director of the Mayor’s Office of Child Care, said “we will need to significantly expand the number of trained professionals working in child care” – jobs she acknowledged have been historically “underpaid and under-respected.”

Unlike teaching positions in K-12 schools, which uniformly require a bachelor’s degree and state certification, qualifications for city early childhood education jobs can vary.

Lead teachers for prekindergarten programs located in public schools need full teaching licenses. But for 2-K, which officials have said will be located in community-based centers or home-based settings, the qualifications are less stringent. Teachers in home-based programs must complete 30 hours of child development training, while center-based instructors must have, or be working toward, an associate degree in early childhood education, according to an Education Department spokesperson.

But even as university officials try to lure more students into early childhood education programs, they know that the meager wages awaiting many of them after graduation can make that task more complicated.

Early childhood educators made a median yearly wage of roughly $25,000 as of 2023, according to a report from former Comptroller Brad Lander — compared to nearly $100,000 for K-12 teachers. Mamdani has pledged to make increasing wages for educators a part of his child care expansion, but hasn’t laid out any specific plans or funding sources to make that happen.

“I think it’s pretty easy for people to find jobs,” said Phoebe Gilpin, a doctoral student at Hunter College and the instructor for Rodriguez’s course. “It’s hard for them to find living wage jobs.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Mamdani announces 15 mph ‘slow zones’ for more than 800 NYC schools

2026-03-16T15:06:23+00:00

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Hundreds of New York City schools will soon see reduced speed limits on their surrounding streets, Mayor Zohran Mamdani announced Monday.

The change marks an escalation in the city’s enforcement of Sammy’s Law, state legislation meant to curb dangerous driving.

The city will lower speeds to 15 mph outside more than 800 schools by the end of the year, with plans to expand the initiative to all eligible school locations citywide by the end of Mamdani’s first term, he said. Most of the schools in the initiative currently have speed limits of 20 mph. Another 500 campuses already have 15 mph limits, while many of the rest of the roughly 2,300 school locations across the city currently cap speeds at 25 mph.

Officials plan to bring the 15 mph limit to all eligible schools by the end of Mamdani’s first term, he said. A pedestrian struck by a car traveling 25 miles per hour is three times more likely to be seriously injured than if they’re hit by a car going 15, officials said.

A 2022 investigation by Streetsblog found that streets surrounding schools see a far higher rate of crashes and injuries than other city roadways during school dropoff and pickup times. The problem is especially pronounced outside schools with higher proportions of students of color, the analysis found.

The city is prioritizing schools for the slow zones based on traffic data and other street safety plans in the works, officials said.

Sammy’s Law — named for 12-year-old Sammy Cohen Eckstein, who died after being struck by a van when he chased a soccer ball into the street on Brooklyn’s Prospect Park West in 2013 — was signed by Gov. Kathy Hochul in 2024. It gives the city Transportation Department authority to reduce speed limits on certain streets without the approval of the City Council, which controls the citywide default speed limit.

At each of the new school slow zones, officials will give local community boards 60 days to comment on the change before it takes effect.

Under former Mayor Eric Adams, the city moved to lower maximum speeds from 25 to 20 mph on 250 designated “neighborhood slow zones” across the city — generally smaller, residential streets.

The law also gives the city the authority to reduce speed limits around parks and senior centers. The reduced speed zones are expected to be marked with signs and can be fit with “traffic-calming” measures like speed bumps.

In neighborhoods where speeds were reduced to 20 miles per hour, vehicle crashes dropped by 14% and car-related injuries by 31%, according to the Transportation Department.

“Lower speeds save lives,” Mamdani said in a statement, “and we will use every tool at our disposal to protect our neighbors as they move about our city.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Former NYC schools Chancellor Meisha Porter again a finalist to lead Chicago schools

2026-03-13T17:39:37+00:00

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Former New York City schools Chancellor Meisha Ross Porter is once again a finalist for the top job in Chicago’s public school system, the school board announced Friday.

Chalkbeat first reported that Porter, who served as chancellor at the tail end of former Mayor Bill de Blasio’s administration, was a finalist for the Chicago job in November, but the process was bogged down by in-fighting for several months.

At the same time, Porter was also reportedly among the top contenders for schools chancellor under Mayor Zohran Mamdani, but the job ultimately went to Manhattan superintendent Kamar Samuels.

The other finalists for the Chicago job are interim CEO Macquline King and Sito Narcisse, a former superintendent of East Baton Rouge Parish schools in Louisiana, and chief of secondary schools in Washington, D.C., the school board said.

During Porter’s short tenure as chancellor, which started in early 2021 while the COVID pandemic was in full swing and ended when Mayor Eric Adams took office in January, 2022, she was seen as a steady hand who had the respect of district and school staffers. Porter, who rose from teacher to principal to superintendent in the Bronx, also oversaw the introduction of a long-promised plan to phase out separate gifted and talented classes, which have long been starkly segregated. (The plan was swiftly overturned by Adams.)

After she left the school system, Porter took over as CEO of the Bronx Community Foundation, an organization charged with distributing philanthropic donations to needy local organizations. But the foundation was in turmoil during her tenure and failed to distribute most of its donations, according to reporting from New York Focus. Porter was fired by the organization’s board in 2024.

She has served as a visiting fellow at the Center for Educational Innovation since 2024, according to her LinkedIn profile.

Porter didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

NYC’s child care voucher waitlist hits 10,000, leaving working parents in crisis

2025-12-01T20:48:29+00:00

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Naomi Veerasammy and her 2-year-old daughter leave their Jamaica, Queens, apartment weekday mornings by 6:30 a.m. and head to the home of whichever friend or relative has agreed to watch the toddler that day.

Veersammy, a paraprofessional at a public elementary school, relies on a rotating cast of relatives and friends to watch her daughter for little to no pay, so she can still make it to work by 8 a.m. on the city bus.

The single mom nets under $2,000 a month in income and can’t afford full-time day care, which costs between $1,500 to $2,000 a month for the average city toddler.

“It’s very, very hard on me financially, mentally, physically to find a sitter for my daughter every day,” Veersammy said, adding that her daughter needs stability.

Hoping for more stable child care, Veerasammy applied for child care vouchers worth an average of $300 a week for kids up to age 13 from low-income families across the state.

Veerasammy met the income criteria, but the city stopped enrolling new families in May. She’s now on a waitlist that has mushroomed to 10,000 city children. It’s a glaring indication of both the exploding child care affordability crisis for the city’s middle- and low-income families and the insufficiency of the current publicly funded options to help defray those costs, experts said.

The massive waitlist is also an acute crisis in and of itself — one that threatens to push more families with young children out of the city and shutter small child care providers who rely on vouchers for income.

Andrea Davilar, a family child care provider in St. Albans, Queens, currently has only four of her 12 full-day seats filled. She suspects there are families on the waitlist who are interested in enrolling their kids, but can’t until they receive vouchers.

“Are they trying to force us out of business?” she said of the city’s waitlist. “They have to remember we are the backbone behind the workforce.”

Losing family child care providers is something the city can ill afford at a time when incoming Mayor Zohran Mamdani is hoping to provide universal child care — an expansion that would likely lean heavily on home-based programs.

That’s part of why some observers are encouraging Mamdani to make clearing the voucher waitlist his first step on what could be a long road to building free child care.

Issuing vouchers to those 10,000 kids would bring “virtually free child care immediately” to a wide swath of city families, said Lauren Melodia, an economist at the New School’s Center for New York City Affairs who studies child care.

“It’s not the big vision … but you want to be able to deliver services to people while you’re building the big vision,” she added.

Mamdani’s transition team didn’t respond to a request for comment.

Vouchers are a key tool for infant, toddler, after-school care

The vouchers can be redeemed at a wide range of child care providers or even used to pay approved relatives or friends. They’re an especially critical resource for families with kids 2 and under who don’t qualify for the city’s free 3-K and prekindergarten programs as well as those who need care outside of school hours.

Separate from the vouchers, the city funds a limited number of free seats for kids 2 and under from low-income families. But families often don’t know about the seats or how to apply, experts have said. Roughly 40% of those seats were unfilled last year.

Officials in Mayor Eric Adams’ administration said the voucher program’s costs are soaring because of the program’s popularity, an increase in the voucher’s value, and a growing number of families who are supposed to receive subsidized child care as a condition of their federal welfare benefits.

Officials predict the city will need a total of $2.9 billion from the state in the upcoming budget — $1.8 billion more than the city typically receives — just to maintain the program.

Melodia, the economist, said the cost of providing vouchers to all the families on the waitlist for a year would be more modest: around $155 million.

Gordon Tepper, a spokesperson for Gov. Kathy Hochul, said “no one has done more to support and expand child care statewide” than the governor, noting that she has doubled funding for the voucher program and wants to reach universal child care.

Demand for vouchers boomed as eligibility widened

The voucher program’s current budget crunch traces back to a series of pandemic-era changes.

Prior to the pandemic, the city issued the majority of vouchers to families receiving federal cash assistance, whose child care the city is required to subsidize because their benefits come with work requirements.

Those work requirements relaxed during the pandemic, keeping more families at home with less need for child care. The number of vouchers going to those families fell from over 55,000 in 2017 to under 19,000 in 2022.

That drop, combined with a one-time infusion of federal relief funds, allowed Hochul to significantly expand the eligibility criteria for the vouchers, opening them to families who make under 85% of the state median income, or roughly $114,000 a year for a family of four.

At the same time, Hochul nearly doubled the value of the vouchers, from an average of $154 a week in 2019 to $301 a week last year. The change made the vouchers more attractive to families and providers — and expensive for the state.

City families flocked to the vouchers. Enrollment in the low-income voucher program skyrocketed from under 9,000 2022 to nearly 70,000 this year.

The changes created a major budget cliff.

After federal pandemic aid dried up, city officials resumed enforcing work requirements, bringing an expected surge of families who receive federal assistance to request vouchers.

To avoid kicking thousands of families out of the program each month, city officials asked the state, which has historically funded most of the voucher system, to commit an additional $900 million to the $1 billion city program.

Hochul eventually agreed to free up an additional $350 million for the program, contingent on the city chipping in the same amount.

That infusion allowed the city to continue offering vouchers to the majority of families who were already enrolled, city officials said. But it wasn’t enough to enroll new families.

Starting last May, the city began placing eligible new applicants for low-income vouchers on a waitlist, which has grown from 1,500 in August to its current 10,000.

Parents on voucher waitlist are desperate for relief

For families stuck on the waitlist, shouldering the costs of child care on their own often comes at the expense of other basic needs.

Milana Kochishvili, a mother of two elementary school children in southern Brooklyn, applied for vouchers after her husband was diagnosed with Alzheimer’s, leaving the family to rely on her $72,000 annual income as a payroll specialist at a plumbing company. But she has been on the waitlist for months.

The only after-school option that works with her schedule costs about $800 a month. With $4,500 a month in take-home pay — nearly half of which goes to pay rent — it’s an expense she can’t afford.

“I’m in a position now where I can only afford basics,” she said. “God forbid the car breaks or something like that, that’s it.”

Adams recently launched an expansion of free, city-funded after-school programs, with a pledge to add 20,000 seats by 2027. But for some parents who work longer hours, the schedule of the city’s free programs don’t fit their needs.

Kimberly Watson, a single mom of an elementary student in Brooklyn, works as a caseworker in a hospital and needed an after-school program with longer hours. The private program she found costs $450 a month — an untenable expense for Watson, who takes home roughly $2,700 a month in income and spends $1,200 on rent.

She applied for a child care voucher and cleared the eligibility threshold, but was placed on the waitlist. Paying for child care has left her behind on some utility bills — and even on her rent, she said.

Getting a voucher would mean she can “just cut back on one thing that I have to worry about so I can catch up on other things.”

For Veerasammy, the paraprofessional with a 2-year-old, there could be some economic relief on the horizon: a bill supported by both Mamdani and a supermajority on City Council that would give paraprofessionals a $10,000 recurring annual bonus.

But she said that money would go toward paying off credit card debt, leaving her still in need of a voucher.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

A wave of immigration buoyed dozens of NYC schools. Now, their enrollment is plummeting.

2025-11-26T00:12:42+00:00

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New York City’s public schools enrolled tens of thousands of new students during a wave of historic migration starting in 2022.

The surge transformed some campuses as educators adapted to meet the needs of children coming with limited English, trauma from their journeys, and little access to basics like food, clothing, and housing.

ATLAS, formerly known as Newcomers High School, in Long Island City, Queens, took in perhaps the largest number of new arrivals. Enrollment more than doubled in just three years, swelling to a high of 1,428 in the 2023-24 school year, compared to 676 in 2020-21, according to city data.

At P.S. 111, which sits amid a cluster of emergency homeless shelters blocks away from ATLAS, enrollment ballooned from under 300 to 564 in four years. After a 3,500-person migrant shelter opened in Clinton Hill, Brooklyn, enrollment at nearby P.S./I.S. 157 leapt from 250 to nearly 400 in a matter of months.

But over the last year, the boom came to an abrupt halt, a Chalkbeat analysis of preliminary enrollment data found. Citywide, enrollment fell 2%, the largest drop since the pandemic, with steeper declines at those schools that enrolled the most migrant students. Chalkbeat identified 60 schools that likely took in the largest shares of migrant students between 2022 and 2024. Combined, they lost 11% of their enrollment this year, nearly wiping out all the gains from the previous three years, the analysis found.

Chalkbeat’s analysis is the first attempt to systematically understand how migration has reshaped enrollment in the nation’s largest school district in recent years.

Like other cities across the country, New York City lost students as President Donald Trump’s mass deportation campaign drove some families to leave for fear of immigration enforcement — and dramatically slowed the pace of new arrivals. Compared to 2023, encounters at the U.S. southern border have plummeted by 77%, while the number of newcomers entering city shelters shrunk from a high of 4,000 a week to around 100.

Amid that slowdown, the number of new students registering in city schools this summer has fallen significantly: down 7% compared to the same period last year, Education Department officials said.

Federal enforcement efforts are not the only change that has contributed to the sudden shift in enrollment patterns. As Mayor Eric Adams attempted to deal with the surge, his administration enacted policies that made it difficult for migrant families to find stable housing, forcing many to switch schools or leave the city, educators and advocates said.

The enrollment reversal isn’t just a problem for individual schools, who may lose staffers and programs because school budgets are tied to student numbers. If the decline persists, as the city’s own projections predict, the Education Department will have to confront thorny questions about closing or merging underenrolled schools.

“That’s going to mean a big cut to the city’s federal funding, and that’s going to mean tough decisions for the NYC schools system as a whole, and that will trickle down to individual schools,” said Loredana Valtierra, a senior fellow at the Century Foundation and former official at the U.S. Department of Education.

At several of the schools that took in the most migrant students during the influx, enrollment has fallen just as dramatically as it rose.

The student headcount at ATLAS fell from over 1,400 to just 829 as of this fall, a 42% drop over two years. At P.S./I.S. 157 in Clinton Hill, enrollment cratered after the city closed the nearby migrant center in June — from nearly 400 last school year to 278 this fall, a 29% drop.

Though schools with big losses got a temporary reprieve from budget cuts this year if they fell short of enrollment projections, it’s not clear how long that support will last.

Lara Evangelista, the executive director of the Internationals Network, a nonprofit that supports city public schools geared toward newly arrived immigrants, said that schools were grateful to avoid midyear budget cuts, but she noted that principals will have to plan for the future. “What do you need to put in place this year to prepare for lower budgets going forward?”

Schools opened their doors to a historic influx of immigrant students

New York City enrolled an estimated 48,000 migrant students in a two-year period, officials have said, with many hailing from Latin America and West Africa.

City schools do not ask families for their immigration status or national origin, making it difficult to track enrollment of migrant students. But because many of the new arrivals took up residence in the city’s homeless shelters, Education Department officials used the number of homeless students newly enrolling in city schools as a proxy for migrant students.

To identify which schools took in the largest shares of migrant students, Chalkbeat compiled a list of schools with the biggest increases in both homeless students and English language learners, relative to their overall size, starting in 2022. Several education data experts said the approach was a reasonable way to approximate the number of new migrant students.

Migrant students often enrolled in schools near emergency shelters. Many of those were in midtown Manhattan and Long Island City in Queens, where officials converted hotels into shelters.

But enrollment patterns also depended on which schools had the space — along with the expertise and willingness — to take migrant students.

In East Harlem’s District 4, school and district leaders were “strategic” about opening their doors to newcomer families living in nearby Manhattan shelters, said Kaliris Salas-Ramirez, a parent in the district and president of its Community Education Council. The district had both space, after years of declining enrollment, and a large number of dual-language programs to offer.

The district’s share of English learners doubled from 9% to 18% between the 2022-23 and 2023-24 school years — the largest percentage jump in the city — leading to District 4’s first overall enrollment gain in at least a decade, according to city data.

Central Park East II, a K-8 school in East Harlem, took in roughly 100 newcomers, said Principal Naomi Smith. The school worked with district officials and partner organizations to connect families to free food and clothing, along with MetroCards and legal and emotional support, Smith said.

“I am proud of our school, our district, the [Education Department] in general for supporting our families,” she said. “I’m proud of what we do.”

NYC’s shelter policies threaten migrant enrollment

Some principals at schools with large migrant influxes anticipated the enrollment numbers would eventually level off as families left the shelter system, settling in different neighborhoods or leaving the city.

That accelerated in early 2024 when Adams — who said the pace of migration could “destroy the city” — began limiting stays in migrant shelters to 60 days to relieve an overburdened shelter system. Advocates and educators said the move made it difficult for families to remain in their schools and pushed some out of the city altogether as they struggled to find affordable housing.

“The piling on of one inconvenience after another made it impossible for people to stay at first in their school and then in the city,” said Naveed Hasan, a Panel for Educational Policy member who has supported schools with large numbers of new arrivals.

When Trump began his second term in January, his Justice Department pushed prosecutors to drop federal corruption charges against Adams, in part, so the mayor could aid the new administration’s immigration crackdown.

As the number of migrants in city shelters fell rapidly, city officials shuttered dozens of migrant shelters starting in early 2025. At some schools, the effect of the shelter closures was immediate.

P.S. 46 in Clinton Hill, Brooklyn, which was several blocks away from a 3,500-person mega-shelter that opened in summer 2023, took in dozens of migrant students in the 2023-24 school year.

After the shelter closed earlier this year, “many families and friends were separated and isolated,” said Carolina Zafra, a teacher at the school. Over the past year, enrollment has fallen by 16%, according to city figures.

At Central Park East II, some families have moved to schools closer to their new accommodations, or left the city for states like Texas and Florida, Smith said. Enrollment at the school is down about 40 students, or 10%, this year.

Across District 4, schools have seen a similar pattern, Salas-Ramirez said. Seven of District 4’s 29 schools saw enrollment drops of 15% or greater from last year to this one, according to Chalkbeat’s analysis. Districtwide, enrollment is down nearly 6%, the second-largest drop in the city.

In August, when city officials closed The Row hotel in midtown Manhattan, the last remaining large family migrant shelter, 138 families in East Harlem schools were displaced, she said.

“It’s been hard to track the families,” she said. “A lot of our principals and assistant principals have spent a lot of effort … just trying to figure out where they are.”

Trump’s immigration crackdown exacerbates enrollment losses

Attendance dipped among many immigrant families as Trump took office. Then, as immigration enforcement intensified in the spring, educators and advocates said they saw more families go into hiding or leave the country voluntarily to avoid being detained.

At least five city students have been detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, though several have been released. Dylan Lopez Contreras, the first known city student detained by ICE during Trump’s second term, remains in detention in Western Pennsylvania six months after he was arrested during a routine court hearing. A judge denied Dylan’s asylum claim in September, and his lawyers have filed an appeal.

Schools across the city have also seen ICE sweep up students’ parents.

“People are leaving, or they’re staying in hiding,” said Power Malu, the co-founder of an aid group called ROCCNYC that has been helping connect migrant families with services since the beginning of the influx.

John Sullivan, the superintendent overseeing transfer schools for older students who have struggled in traditional high schools, said at a recent City Council hearing that his district has also seen a growing number of English learners leaving school for jobs. English learners have long dropped out of high school at higher rates than their peers, and some educators worry the pressure to earn money has increased as students worry they may have limited time in the U.S.

Despite the challenges, many educators are doing all they can to keep their newcomers.

Across schools in the Internationals Network, enrollment has largely stayed flat — a pattern Evangelista attributed in part to her schools’ strong relationships with families and ability to connect them to services, such as housing.

At East Harlem’s Central Park East II and Brooklyn’s P.S. 46, while some families displaced from their shelters have left, others still crisscross the city each day so they can stay enrolled, educators said.

Educators said the loss of a single student can reverberate across the entire school.

“Students are still really struggling,” said Valtierra, the Century Foundation fellow. “Having their friends and classmates not showing up … having to explain where those kids are going, that’s tough.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC officials declare victory on class size caps after quietly exempting thousands of classes

2025-11-18T01:29:05+00:00

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New York City Mayor Eric Adams announced Monday that the city met a high-stakes test under the state’s class size reduction law: ensuring 60% of this year’s classrooms fell under the new limits.

But he failed to mention that the city only cleared that hurdle by quietly declaring thousands of classrooms exempt from the requirements. A Chalkbeat analysis of data released Monday found that without the exemptions the city would have fallen just short of compliance, potentially putting it at risk of losing hundreds of millions of dollars in state aid.

Officials declared roughly 10,500 of the city’s more than 150,000 classes exempt. With those classrooms removed from the equation, 64% of classrooms citywide were in compliance — the rate city officials reported to the state. The city’s rate without the exemptions? 59.5%.

Several administrators and parents at schools with exempted classrooms said they were unaware they had won exemptions — and hadn’t requested them.

“I was a little surprised to see we were listed as exempt,” said one principal who didn’t ask for the exemptions and didn’t know they were coming.

“It’s ironic because they ask us to come up with a plan for our school … but then when they make larger decisions, they don’t ask us anything,” said the principal, who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation.

The state’s sweeping class size law, which limits classes to between 20 and 25 students, took effect in 2022 and requires that an additional 20% of classrooms fall under the caps each year. This year’s 60% mandate was the first major test the city faced, since only 47% of classes were under the caps last November. (Classes that require larger groups like physical education are not subject to the caps.)

The challenge gets more daunting over the next year as the city races to get 80% of classes under the caps, soliciting another round of class size reduction plans from principals, who can request changes to their building configuration and money to hire additional teachers. City officials project the annual cost of hiring additional teachers could be as high as $1.7 billion when the caps are fully implemented, with up to $18 billion in school construction costs on top of that.

Some critics said the flood of exemptions this year heightens their concerns that the city will only lean more heavily on them in the years to come.

“It just underlines and emphasizes the fact that they don’t have a serious plan, and they never have,” said Leonie Haimson, the executive director of the advocacy group Class Size Matters and a key advocate for the state law.

To meet the state’s 60% threshold, the city spent roughly $450 million on a teacher hiring spree this fall — and took advantage for the first time of a clause in the law that allows some schools to ignore the requirements if they have limited space, are overenrolled, are in financial distress, or face a shortage of licensed teachers. The city exempted classes at more than 120 schools, Chalkbeat’s analysis found.

Teachers union officials confirmed Monday that principals were not directly involved in the exemption process. Under state law, the chancellor of the Education Department and the presidents of the unions for teachers and administrators can — and did — make the decisions.

“It’s not up to the school,” teachers union President Michael Mulgrew told Chalkbeat. “This is a law for the school system.”

An Education Department spokesperson said the exemptions must be renegotiated every year and schools that received exemptions this year should still aim for full class size compliance.

“Surpassing 60 percent of our class size reduction target for the 2025–2026 school year is a major step forward, and we’re not slowing down," Adams said in a statement.

Schools can get a pass for “overenrollment” or space limitations

A handful of the exemptions were already agreed to over the summer. In a class size plan released in July, city and union officials agreed to exempt the city’s eight specialized high schools, coveted programs like Stuyvesant and Brooklyn Tech that admit students based on a single test, on the grounds they are “overenrolled.”

Another set of schools could qualify for exemptions based on lack of space if a new annex or school building was in the works nearby, officials said in July. In the city’s two current capital plans, from 2020-24 and from 2025-29, a total of about 26,000 seats are supposed to be added in coming years through a combination of annexes and new buildings.

But people at several of the schools that received exemptions Monday said they were unaware of any annex or school construction plans nearby. At least three schools receiving class size exemptions had no new construction projects listed in their districts, according to the city’s data.

At P.S./I.S. 187 in Washington Heights, where 91 of 118 classes were issued exemptions, an annex project was recently added to the city’s capital plan to deliver 342 seats — but with no estimated completion date.

Olympia Kazi, a parent at the school who has been pushing for years for lower class sizes, said she was “saddened and dismayed” to learn about the exemptions.

“An annex may materialize at best in three to four years,” she said. “That means a generation of kids will still go through elementary school in overcrowded classes.”

Kazi noted that she suggested several other strategies for reducing class sizes while the school awaits additional space, including staggering start times for different groups of students and capping incoming kindergarten enrollment. Those ideas haven’t gone anywhere.

“I believe class size is a major issue for every school, and especially the overcrowded schools,” she said. “I wish there had been real community engagement before they decided any of this and an explanation of the reasoning behind this.”

Haimson believes granting the exemptions without including school communities in the process violates the spirit, if not the letter, of the law.

Having union officials help decide on exemptions at schools “where the principals don’t necessarily even want those exemptions, is bizarre,” she said.

Haimson added that new construction isn’t guaranteed to bring schools under the class size caps if the city doesn’t limit enrollment at overcrowded schools. Hundreds of schools don’t have the space to meet the class size caps, officials say, but the city has largely rejected requests to cap their enrollment.

Restricting enrollment is also a non-starter with the teachers union.

At the Boerum Hill School for International Studies, a 6-12 campus, more than half of the school’s 222 classes are exempt from the new class size caps. Antonia Ferraro Martinelli, the parent of a ninth grader at the school, said the campus is crunched for space in part because it houses four schools and there is little room to shrink classes.

News of the exemptions came as a surprise to parent leaders and the school administration, however, because they hadn’t requested them. The school’s principal is “putting her efforts toward being in compliance so this is coming out of left field,” said Ferraro Martinelli, who spoke with the principal on Monday. (The principal did not respond to a request for comment.)

Several educators and parents at schools that received exemptions said they plan to continue pushing to reduce class sizes.

In general, the city’s highest-need schools stand to benefit the least from the class size caps because they already tend to have smaller classes. A disproportionate share of spending to reduce class sizes is flowing to more affluent campuses, city data show. Because of that, some advocates with equity concerns called on city and state leaders last week to pause the class size caps entirely, a move permitted under the law.

Still, Education Department officials declined to request a pause, even as they previously raised similar equity concerns. Their reason: They’re making plenty of progress without it.

Correction: Nov. 20, 2025: A previous version of this story used the incorrect name for P.S./I.S. 187.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Alex Zimmerman is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

Mamdani’s universal child care push will require building new seats and filling empty ones

2025-11-13T23:42:18+00:00

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A Brooklyn prekindergarten classroom that Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani visited Thursday to plug his $6 billion proposal for free universal child care bustled with activity.

More than a dozen 4-year-olds filled the small room with magnet creations, art projects, and a play bowling alley.

But one floor below, two large classrooms sat empty — as they have for the past five years.

To fulfill his ambitious and costly pledge to provide free universal child care to children 2 and under, Mamdani will have to build new seats and figure out how to make better use of the existing ones, he acknowledged Thursday.

“While so much of this conversation rightfully centers on funding, there’s also a number of issues around policy, around structure,” Mamdani said. “The city has oftentimes made it harder … today, we have two classrooms that are empty that used to be providing infant care in this very facility.”

Ever since the child care center, part of the Friends of Crown Heights network, switched from serving a mix of infants, toddlers, and preschoolers to exclusively offering city-funded pre-K and 3-K programs, it hasn’t been able to enroll enough 3- or 4-year-olds to fill the space, said Angalie Dasai, the network’s CEO.

It’s a reality that has bedeviled child care providers across the city: Even as demand for free care soars, many programs — particularly in the city’s lowest-income neighborhoods — have struggled to fill their seats.

Last year, more than 27,000 of the city’s roughly 136,000 free child care seats for kids ages 4 and under went unfilled, according to city data, or about 1 in every 5 seats.

The vacant seats are a problem at multiple levels. They force wasteful public spending, threaten the financial stability of providers, and signal that the city isn’t meeting families’ needs, experts said.

Providers, advocates, and elected officials say one logical fix is giving child care operators the flexibility to convert unused seats currently reserved for one age group to serve a different age.

For the Friends of Crown Heights program, that would mean converting the existing vacant seats for 3- and 4-year-olds into seats for infants and toddlers, Dasai said. She knows there’s demand for those seats in the neighborhood, but the center, which still has its license to serve infants and toddlers, can’t open them up.

“If you give programs the choice, if it’s more flexible,” she said, “we will fill the seats.”

In addition to shifting the age configuration of their seats, some providers have asked for more flexibility to convert seats currently funded only for the six hours and 20 minutes a day from September to June to seats that run 10 hours a day, year-round.

There are signs Mamdani is listening. Dasai said he was “receptive” when she raised the suggestion to him Thursday. And he highlighted the issue at a press conference with reporters.

“We know that the lack of flexibility sometimes between school day and extended care has also meant that there are families that are unable to get the care that they need,” Mamdani said.

Fulfilling his vision of universal child care will mean “ensuring that the government becomes a partner, as opposed to a burden or an obstacle,” he added.

Providers, advocates eye new contracts

Officials and experts cite a number of reasons for the vacant seats. Birth rates are declining, families with young children have fled the city in growing numbers since the pandemic, and some parents struggle with how to enroll.

Some providers also say the number — and types — of seats they’re funded for don’t match the demand in their neighborhood. But providers and lawmakers say the current child care contracts, which expire next year, don’t allow seat conversions.

Members of the City Council, which will be a key player in negotiating the city budgets that set Mamdani’s child care spending, are urging the city Education Department to rebid the contracts with more flexibility.

“This would allow providers to adjust the mix of infant/toddler, 3-K, and pre-K seats based on real-time community demand, enrollment trends, and local demographics,” officials wrote in a report from Council Speaker Adrienne Adams’ office released Thursday.

A spokesperson from the city Education Department declined to comment on the contracts.

Several providers said the agency recently notified them that contracts will be extended for two years, meaning they would last at least until 2028.

But one former city official said they believed that contracts could be amended to allow more flexibility for seat conversion without a full rebidding.

“It’s the low-hanging fruit,” said the former official, who requested anonymity to discuss the sensitive contract process. “It could buy time to plan for a thoughtful expansion and a new contract re-bidding.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC paraprofessionals are fighting for a $10,000 raise. City Council is listening.

2025-11-12T23:56:53+00:00

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The fight for better pay for New York City’s paraprofessionals, the classroom aides who work alongside students with disabilities, will take a key step on Thursday that could make raises a reality before the end of the year.

Legislation supported by the New York City teachers union that would give paraprofessionals an immediate $10,000 annual raise is set to get a hearing in the Civil Service and Labor committee Thursday. The committee will then call a separate vote on the bill. If it passes, the bill will proceed to a vote from the full City Council.

Introduced by Manhattan council member Keith Powers, the bill is co-sponsored by 47 of the council’s 51 members, making it likely to pass its next hurdles.

The raises would bring some immediate economic relief to thousands of paraprofessionals, whose starting annual salary of $32,000 forces many to work second and third jobs to stay afloat and makes it difficult to recruit new candidates, according to paraprofessionals and United Federation of Teachers officials. There were roughly 1,400 vacant paraprofessional positions last year, according to Education Department figures, leaving students with disabilities unable to access critical services and support.

Raises would also add a major new line item to the city’s education budget — costing an estimated $260 million a year, lawmakers said in January.

Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani, who ran a campaign centered on affordability and won the endorsement of the teachers union in the general election, has expressed his support for the legislation.

“When it comes to paraprofessionals, we have so many vacant positions because these positions simply do not pay enough,” he said at a mayoral debate in June. “I support legislation in the council … which would create a recurring annual bonus so we can actually fill those positions.”

The bill was originally scheduled for a hearing next month, making it unlikely to pass before the end of the calendar year and forcing the process to start over, union officials said. But the hearing was recently moved up. “We’ve got to get these paraprofessionals paid, so we are trying to act with urgency here,” said Powers.

Using legislation to circumvent collective bargaining

The effort is notable for using the legislative process to achieve a raise for city employees, rather than the collective bargaining municipal unions conduct with the city government when contracts are renewed. A spokesperson for Mayor Eric Adams said in January that any pay raises should be worked out through collective bargaining and noted that paraprofessionals received a contract in 2023 that runs until 2027.

Another Adams spokesperson said officials will share their views on the bill during Thursday’s hearing and didn’t immediately say whether Adams would veto it. Adams, who leaves office Jan. 1, recently vetoed several pieces of legislation passed by the council.

Powers said he’s confident that the bill has enough support to override a mayoral veto if one comes.

Teachers union President Michael Mulgrew and other union leaders have been sounding the alarm over the past year about a paraprofessional shortage.

Some union members critical of Mulgrew — including paraprofessionals — believe the legislation was an effort to shore up support in a closely contested union election earlier this year. Union leaders should have won the raises through collective bargaining, those critics say.

“I’m not against paraprofessionals getting more money, it’s just the method,” said Marie Wausnock, a Staten Island paraprofessional who cofounded a union caucus slate called Fix Para Pay that is largely opposed to Mulgrew’s Unity caucus.

“I find it incredible a union president is taking this ask outside of collective bargaining, which is against every rule in the unionist book,” Wausnock said.

She said the pay bump would make an immediate economic difference for her and many other paraprofessionals. But she noted it won’t count toward pensions, and she worries that city lawmakers will change their mind about supporting such a large annual expense.

“It’s not a fix,” she said.

Teachers union officials say this approach was necessary because the “pattern bargaining” system that ensures municipal employees with different job titles get the same annual percent raises meant that wages for paras continued to fall further behind those of higher-paid employees like principals.

From 2005 to 2025, the starting salary for paraprofessionals increased by about $12,000, while wages for top principals rose by $86,000, according to a union analysis.

Melissa Arnold Lyon, a professor at the University at Albany studying education and labor politics, said the move fits into a larger pattern of education labor unions across the country using legislatures to win raises.

She added that public sector unions in New York might feel additional pressure to look outside of the collective bargaining process because of the state’s Taylor Law, which prohibits strikes by public sector unions, limiting their leverage in bargaining.

“It is quite difficult to reframe the base salary in New York state in particular, because of that tradition and the legal structure,” she said.

A difficult job becomes even harder

Tonia Calvo, a veteran paraprofessional who has worked in city schools for nearly two decades, said the job, while always challenging, has felt increasingly unsustainable in the wake of the pandemic, as student needs intensified and the cost of living soared.

“One woman that I work with was … trying to avoid being evicted, one was talking about paying off her car just so that she can come to work,” she said. She often meets paraprofessionals who have taken on second jobs at places like Target and ShopRite “because their salary is not enough to afford to live in this city.”

Calvo worries it’s becoming increasingly difficult to recruit new candidates unless they have other financial support.

The annual pay bump would start at around $10,800 for 2025, and would rise to $12,000 by 2030, according to the union. For Calvo, the money would go toward helping pay off her children’s student loans.

For many of her colleagues, it would allow them to stop working nights, to add a couple of “goodies” to their grocery shopping, and attend training sessions to get better at their work, she said.

“I think they’re scared to hope for more,” she said, “because they’re so used to getting less.”

Correction: Nov. 12, 2025: A previous version of this story said the council will vote on the bill during Thursday’s hearing. The vote has not yet been scheduled.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Mamdani’s $6 billion universal child care plan: How will NYC fund, staff, and scale up the program?

2025-11-11T21:29:13+00:00

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Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani has been clear on how he wants New Yorkers to evaluate his tenure: by whether he can achieve his ambitious campaign promises, including free child care starting at 6 weeks old.

“Being right in and of itself is meaningless,” Mamdani told The New York Times. “We have to deliver.”

Much of the discussion around whether Mamdani can follow through has focused on how he’ll pay for the eye-popping estimated $6 billion annual price tag for universal child care.

But paying for the program is only the first step.

If he gets the funding, Mamdani will face an array of logistical and operational challenges in standing up new public infrastructure for hundreds of thousands of youngsters, according to interviews with more than a dozen current and former officials, policy experts, advocates, and educators.

Though Mamdani seems to be looking toward the rollout of former Mayor Bill de Blasio’s ambitious pre-K and 3-K programs as a road map, the expansion into child care for infants and toddlers 2 and under brings a new set of challenges. The youngest New Yorkers require different space and supervision considerations than 3- and 4-year-olds, increasing the urgency of growing a staffing pipeline and identifying new spaces. Moreover, many observers say there are big flaws in the current child care system that could undercut expansion efforts if they’re not addressed.

“Is child care for all possible? It’s absolutely possible. Anything’s possible with the resources and the will,” said Richard Buery, the CEO of Robin Hood, and a former deputy mayor under de Blasio who oversaw the rollout of universal prekindergarten. “But I would not understate … the operational complexity of doing so.”

Here’s what experts told Chalkbeat about where the child care system stands now and what it will take to make it free for all.

How is the city going to pay for it?

Cost isn’t the only obstacle to Mamdani’s universal child care pledge — but it is the biggest.

The $6 billion estimate covers both the cost of creating new seats and bringing the salaries of child care workers, whose median income is currently $25,000, on par with those of city public school teachers, whose median yearly pay is close to $100,000.

The city’s 3-K and pre-K systems, by comparison, cost a total of about $1.6 billion, according to the most recent figures from the city’s Independent Budget Office.

Mamdani plans to fund the program through a tax hike on millionaires and corporations, a proposal that would need approval from the state legislature and Gov. Kathy Hochul. He estimates the taxes would raise about $9 billion a year.

Hochul has already shut down the idea of a tax hike, but has opened the door to increasing state funding for child care, which she shares as a top priority.

“I can’t just write a check and cover this cost, but I’ve talked to Zohran Mamdani … and we will get on a path forward,” she said last month at a child care summit convened by the 5Boro Institute at Citizens Union, a think tank.

De Blasio faced a similar dilemma, albeit over a much smaller price tag, when he tried to convince former Gov. Andrew Cuomo to greenlight a tax hike on wealthy residents to fund universal pre-K (Cuomo rejected the tax, but found other money in the state budget.)

Meanwhile, some advocates and experts are pushing a phased-in approach with a less daunting initial price tag. The group New Yorkers United for Childcare suggests starting out with universal care for 2-year-olds — a proposal City Comptroller Brad Lander estimates would cost $1.6 billion a year.

And while there’s no way around the high costs, proponents point out that child care also brings substantial economic benefits by freeing up more parents to work.

How close are we to free universal child care now?

There were about 466,000 kids ages 4 and under living in New York City as of 2022, according to the state health department.

City officials say both pre-K for 4-year-olds and 3-K for 3-year-olds are universal, in that everyone who applied this year got an offer. But 15% of 3-K applicants and 7% of pre-K applicants got an offer to a program they didn’t list on their application.

Of the city’s roughly 195,000 3- and 4-year-olds, about 101,000 of them were in free 3-K and pre-K programs last year.

Some observers say there’s still unmet demand for 3-K. Lander estimated 3-K has to grow by 16,000 seats to become truly universal.

Moreover, the vast majority of city-funded pre-K and 3-K programs run only six hours and 20 minutes a day from September to June, leaving tens of thousands of families paying out of pocket for afternoon and summer coverage.

Making afternoon and summer coverage free for all pre-K and 3-K families would cost around $872 million, Lander estimates. But the City Council is proposing a less costly intermediate step: moving to a “family share” model that charges families on a uniform sliding scale based on income for extended hours.

About 17,000 3- and 4-year-olds got state-funded child care vouchers for low-income families worth $300 a week, according to the Administration for Children’s Services, which runs the voucher program. (There are currently about 10,000 city kids on the waitlist for vouchers because of insufficient funding, officials said.)

For kids 2 and under, free child care is much more limited — and reserved for low-income families.

In 2024, only 32,000 infants and toddlers got free care through city-run programs or state vouchers — just a quarter of the roughly 108,000 kids who qualify based on family income, according to Lander’s analysis. And that’s not to mention the more than 150,000 tots who don’t qualify for a means-tested program and currently have almost no free options.

Who’s going to staff it?

The staffing needs to create a universal program for infants and toddlers are likely to be immense, experts said.

Younger kids require more teachers — one for every three infants, and one for every five to six toddlers, according to licensing regulations, compared to one for every 10 3 and 4-year-olds.

Babies and toddlers are also more likely to be in small, home-based child care settings, meaning any expansion will likely lean heavily on those providers.

It’s a workforce that has been decimated by years of low pay, the loss of students and staff to universal pre-K and 3-K programs, and the COVID pandemic. President Donald Trump’s mass deportation campaign has further strained the immigrant-heavy workforce, according to providers and advocates.

The chapter of the United Federation of Teachers representing home-based child care providers has shrunk from 28,000 in 2007 to just 12,000 today, said Tammie Miller, the chapter chair.

“People love what they do … but they cannot make a living,” said Doris Irizarry, a long-time home-based child care educator and cofounder of the advocacy group ECE On the Move.

Many observers said a logical first step for Mamdani is expanding the existing 3-K and pre-K model to include 2-year-olds. The city recently launched a pilot to open 240 seats to kids 2 and under, regardless of their parents’ income, through providers already contracting with the city.

For infants, who are more likely to still be at home with parents or in some kind of informal care, the equation may look different. Mamdani has said he plans to subsidize care “at home for families who prefer to have a trusted neighbor or relative take care of their child.”

Expanding paid family leave is “both the most economically efficient way to provide care for young children and good for families,” said Emmy Liss, a former Education Department official who helped oversee universal pre-K and studies models of free child care nationwide.

But some experts warned it’s no replacement for investing in the workforce.

“Expanding paid family leave is clearly an important benefit for families,” said Lara Kyriakou, the policy director at All Our Kin, an organization that supports home-based child care educators. “And it’s not a substitute for a trained, informed workforce.”

Where are the programs going to be?

The city relied on space in K-12 public school buildings for a substantial share of 3-K and pre-K programs. Several experts said it will likely be harder to outfit public schools for infants and toddlers — though models do exist.

Mamdani has promised to open more child care centers, using city space and public school buildings wherever possible. He also pledged to subsidize commercial rent and ease the regulatory burdens of opening new programs.

One regulation some providers and experts say makes it harder to build new child care sites: The city’s Health Department requires programs serving kids under 2-years-old to occupy the ground floor.

“Is this really a barrier we need to keep in place?” Hochul asked at the recent child care summit. “If we don’t add more capacity … then we’re failing.”

Who’s going to oversee it?

The city’s child care sector is currently controlled by an alphabet soup of governmental agencies.

The Education Department handles the contracts and supervision for 3-K and pre-K programs. The Health Department is in charge of licensing. The Fire and Buildings Departments deal with building inspections. And the Administration for Children’s Services operates the state-funded voucher system for tens of thousands of low-income families.

Most observers said the Education Department should continue to play the leading role in an expanded child care system — but urged officials to simplify the complex governance structure. Buery, the former deputy mayor, said he doesn’t see how Mamdani could pull off the operational challenges without maintaining mayoral control of the school system, an arrangement Mamdani said he wants to change.

A universal system will also likely have to balance two distinct funding models, at least for now: vouchers that hand cash to parents to spend on child care, and contracts that fund providers.

Some officials hope to eventually simplify that process, too.

“We need to, as we go on with it, figure out a way to phase out that type of system,” said City Council speaker Adrienne Adams, a Queens democrat who has clashed with Mayor Eric Adams over child care in recent years. “I believe that we can evolve away from the voucher system.”

What needs to be fixed in the current system?

Providers, advocates, and experts warn that if the city doesn’t act to shore up the foundations of the current system, any expansion efforts will cause it to buckle.

Experts and providers both agreed the city should improve its process for reimbursing providers, which has resulted in delays so substantial that some providers have had to close.

Another major issue: The city’s free child care programs had more than 27,000 unfilled seats last year, according to city data. Programs reserved for low-income families were more likely to go vacant, reflecting the onerous process of qualifying, experts and advocates said.

The glut of unfilled seats is partly due to demographic projections for pre-K that failed to fully take into account how the city’s declining birth rates and COVID enrollment losses would play out on a neighborhood-by-neighborhood level, said Dan Weisberg, the former first deputy chancellor at the city Education Department under Adams.

Some advocates and experts said the city can help fill programs by allowing providers to shift the kind of seats they’re offering — from 3-K seats to 2-year-old seats, for example, or from school day to extended day — to meet the demand in their communities. Some of those changes might happen only through new contracts. (The Education Department is planning to issue a 2-year extension when the current child care contracts expire next year, people familiar with the plans said.)

Weisberg encouraged the new administration to take a more conservative approach in building out capacity because it’s much easier to add seats than take them away, he said.

Correction: Nov. 11, 2025: A previous version of this story described a pilot program as being open to 2-year-olds. It’s open to kids 2 and under.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Former NYC schools chief a finalist for Chicago schools CEO

2025-11-07T21:26:42+00:00

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A former New York City schools chief is one of the two finalists for the job of Chicago Public Schools’ next CEO, according to three sources with direct knowledge of the situation.

Meisha Ross Porter, who led New York City Public Schools in 2021, will interview with Chicago Board of Education members, a community panel, and the mayor next week.

Chicago’s selection will mark the first time its new 21-member school board chooses a new leader for the nation’s fourth largest school district. Earlier this week, WBEZ/Chicago Sun-Times reported that the current interim CEO Macquline King was no longer in the running for the top job. Chalkbeat could not confirm the identity of the other finalist. Late Friday, the outlet also reported Denver Public Schools Superintendent Alex Marrero was a finalist. Marrero told Chalkbeat in a statement Friday that “my dedication remains firmly with Denver Public Schools where I am proud to continue serving as superintendent.”

Porter spent more than two decades working in New York City’s public schools, rising up the ranks as a teacher, principal, and high-level administrator. She ultimately became the first Black woman to lead the nation’s largest school system in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic after her predecessor abruptly stepped down.

She only spent 10 months at the helm of New York City’s public schools, appointed in March 2021 and replaced when Mayor Bill de Blasio left office at the end of the year.

In her short tenure, Porter oversaw two sweeping but late-breaking policy pushes under de Blasio that were subsequently scrapped by Mayor Eric Adams: a plan to eliminate separate gifted and talented classes and a $200 million proposed universal curriculum.

Porter is widely respected by many education leaders in New York and has also been floated as a possible schools chief for incoming Mayor Zohran Mamdani. Mamdani has said he is also considering current Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos for the role.

Porter did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Neither Chicago Board of Education President Sean Harden nor the school board’s chief of staff returned requests for comment.

After leaving her post as New York City’s schools chief, Porter became the president and CEO of the Bronx Community Foundation. The foundation was set up to help finance other local nonprofits, but was in turmoil during her time there. It failed to distribute most of the money it raised from 2019 to 2023 and spent more on consultants and overhead than charitable giving, according to an investigation by the news organization New York Focus. In 2024, the organization’s board of directors fired Porter.

More recently, Porter has served as a visiting senior fellow at the Center for Educational Innovation, an organization that works with school leaders and families, according to her LinkedIn profile.

The Chicago Board of Education is scheduled to meet Monday for a special meeting during which they plan to interview the two finalists in person, WBEZ/Chicago Sun-Times reported this week. The board plans to reconvene later in the week to make a final pick and the full 21-member board could then vote on a final contract with the new leader at a meeting scheduled for Dec. 3.

Chicago began its process to find a new leader in March, hiring the search firm Alma Advisory Group, an executive search firm known for its work helping school boards hire superintendents.

The previous CPS CEO Pedro Martinez was fired without cause in late December 2024, but remained at the helm of the district until late June. Martinez, who made about $360,000 annually as head of CPS, clashed with Mayor Brandon Johnson, a former teachers union organizer, over how to handle the district’s finances. The tensions at one point led to Johnson’s entire seven-member appointed board resigning en masse.

For the past 30 years under mayoral control, CPS’s leader has been chosen by the city’s mayor.

Earlier this year, a key lawmaker who helped pave the way for an elected school board raised the possibility that the mayor should still get the final say on who runs CPS. Legal experts and local officials disagree on whether that is still the case and the language in state law is murky.

Nevertheless, Johnson is expected to interview both finalists next week, according to a source close to the search process. He also maintains significant influence over the school board given that 11 of 21 members are his appointees.

Chicago Teachers Union President Stacy Davis Gates criticized the secrecy surrounding the finalists and the “hand-picked panel” of community members being asked for input, calling it “a fundamental failure of the democratic values this new process was meant to uphold.”

“Black and Brown students and their families will bear the brunt of this decision,” Davis Gates said. “Their voices must be at the center of this process, not excluded from it.”

But in a letter sent to the school board president late Friday night, Davis Gates said “the authority to appoint the CPS CEO resides with the Mayor of the City of Chicago” and argued that the board’s “apparent belief that it is empowered” to pick the district’s next leader is against state law.

Dwayne Truss, a member of the West Side branch of the NAACP, said the group is upset that interim CEO King has been eliminated as a finalist.

Truss, a former member of the Board of Education, said the current board should be prioritizing a local candidate. He pointed to former “outsider” CEOs, including Barbara Byrd-Bennett, who was convicted of receiving bribes during her time at Chicago Public Schools, as failing to be successful.

Reema Amin is a reporter covering Chicago Public Schools. Contact Reema at ramin@chalkbeat.org.

Alex Zimmerman is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Mamdani’s child care promise: Who’s advising the mayor-elect on his ambitious plan?

2025-11-06T23:40:45+00:00

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As Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani figures out how to deliver on his promise of universal child care, his administration is grappling with what lessons to draw from the expansion of universal prekindergarten and 3-K.

In many ways, the rollout of universal pre-K under former Mayor Bill de Blasio offers a clear template for Mamdani — an ambitious and fast-moving effort that “showcased the ability of city government to actually meet the needs of New Yorkers,” as Mamdani said in June.

But many child care providers still feel resentful about how the program rolled out a decade ago, saying it unleashed disruptions to the system that persist to this day. Some of those providers are now urging Mamdani’s campaign to slow down and avoid some of those same pitfalls.

“Members of the provider community have strong feelings about what worked well and what didn’t during the first expansion,” said Xanthe Jory, a former top official overseeing child care expansion in the city Education Department under de Blasio. “They will have important questions about what will be different this time around. The success of another expansion will depend, in part, on the degree to which their concerns are addressed.”

It’s a balancing act that will shape how Mamdani approaches perhaps his most ambitious and complex campaign promise: providing free, universal child care for kids as young as 6 weeks old.

And the stakes are high. Families with young children continue to leave the city at an alarming rate due in part to ballooning child care costs. At the same time, any major changes Mamdani makes will send ripple effects across the city’s sprawling child care ecosystem, which relies on thousands of independent child care providers.

Mamdani’s campaign is seeking advice from people on different sides of the issue.

Former de Blasio budget chief and deputy mayor Melanie Hartzog, who played a key role in the prekindergarten expansion, is co-chairing Mamdani’s transition committee. Emmy Liss, the former chief of staff for Josh Wallack, a top de Blasio aide who oversaw the pre-K rollout in the city Education Department, has also been advising the campaign on child care, according to multiple people familiar with the conversations. (Liss declined to comment on her involvement, and Mamdani’s campaign didn’t respond to an inquiry.)

Observers and people involved with that effort say there’s much Mamdani’s campaign can learn from it — including the sense of urgency and speed with which officials approached the rollout.

“We can’t take too long, because then people lose hope, it doesn’t actually benefit people, and then it has the risk of getting deprioritized,” said Rebecca Bailin, the executive director of New Yorkers United for Childcare, a parent advocacy group.

But others say de Blasio’s administration failed to account for the collateral damage the rapid expansion would bring to existing child care providers, causing staff to flee and some programs to shutter.

“There was such a push to move forward that, in many cases, the providers were left behind,” said Laura Ensler, the founder of an early childhood program in Brooklyn’s Brownsville neighborhood who has known Mamdani for years and has also been advising his campaign. “We had a lot to offer and there weren’t many opportunities to share our experiences because they were moving so quickly.”

Now, as Ensler offers advice to Mamdani’s team about crafting its plan to reach universal child care, she is urging them to take their time.

“We know we want to act fast on everything that Zohran has put out there,” Ensler said. “And I’m one of the people that will say, look at every perspective of what you’re doing before you commit, because people will be hurt if you don’t.”

A need for speed

After de Blasio took office in 2014, it took just 18 months for his administration to stand up tens of thousands of pre-K seats, an all-hands-on-deck blitz that involved everything from marketing the new program to completing building inspections.

Some staffers who worked on the effort said that speed was key: People needed to experience the program in order to build the long-term support to keep it going.

“There was a clear political window, and a mayor who was willing to match that window with resources and focus. You can only maintain that level of political focus for so long,” said Liss. “Building pre-K quickly built the political coalition in many ways to sustain the program.”

Some observers say Mamdani may be stepping into an even more opportune political window. Gov. Kathy Hochul, who endorsed Mamdani after the June primary, has signaled that she shares the goal of universal child care as a top priority.

“The stars have really aligned in a big way around this issue,” said Grace Rauh, the executive director of the 5Boro Institute at Citizens Union.

A lesson in unintended consequences

For some child care providers and advocates, de Blasio’s much-heralded pre-K programs left a complicated legacy. Teachers at programs run by city public schools earned much more than those in city-funded programs run by private providers, setting off a mass exodus of staffers from private programs.

Many smaller home-based providers said they weren’t included in the initial rollout of city-funded contracts — and lost many of their students to the new programs.

“I can tell you that we lost many, many qualified child care providers as a result, and I truly believe that further enhanced the child care deserts that we currently have,” said Tammie Miller, the chapter chair for thousands of home-based providers represented by the United Federation of Teachers.

Membership in Miller’s unit has shrunk from 28,000 providers in 2007 to just 12,000 today, she said.

And despite its claims of universality, the program has failed to include many children with disabilities, who require more expensive programs and specialized staff. As recently as last year, hundreds of preschoolers with disabilities couldn’t access free 3-K and pre-K seats.

“It is essential for the administration to consider the needs of children with disabilities at the outset,” said Randi Levine, the policy director at Advocates for Children. “It’s much harder to add something on later.”

Advocates and former officials said they hope the Mamdani administration takes heed of some of those lessons and builds them into its approach from the start.

Liss said the system’s exclusion of home-based providers and students with disabilities are two of the clearest lessons she’s drawn from the rollout — ones she hopes “a new team could take and think differently for the future.”

Other veterans of the pre-K effort said that while it’s still important to move quickly, slowing down when needed could help the next administration avoid further destabilizing an already fragile system.

“Maybe instead of 90 miles an hour, let’s go 80,” said Jory, the former Education Department official. “I think that even letting the foot off the gas a little bit would allow for some really thoughtful work that will support the system long term.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC won’t claw back $250 million midyear from schools as enrollment declines

2025-11-03T17:11:03+00:00

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New York City schools with fewer students than projected will not have to give back money midyear, Education Department officials announced Monday, as the public school system saw its biggest enrollment drop in four years.

Enrollment in the city’s K-12 and preschool programs fell by about 22,000, or 2.4%, compared to last year, according to the Education Department’s preliminary numbers. A total of 884,400 students were enrolled in the city’s traditional public schools as of Oct. 31, according to the figures.

Nearly two-thirds of the city’s roughly 1,600 schools had fewer students than projected, officials said. In past years, those schools would have had to pay back a total of more than $250 million to the city. But those funds will now stay with schools.

“As we navigate enrollment fluctuations and uncertainty around federal funding, we’re committed to providing stability and ensuring every school has the resources it needs,” schools Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos said in a statement.

The remaining third of schools whose enrollment was higher than projected will receive extra money to account for the additional students, officials said, but didn’t say how much that will cost.

In some ways, Mayor Eric Adams’ parting gift to schools could become a headache for the next mayor, who will have to confront the costly but popular initiative.

City officials did not immediately offer an explanation for the enrollment drop, but it’s likely that changing immigration patterns played a role. Over the three school years prior to this one, city schools absorbed an influx of roughly 50,000 migrant students.

That surge helped offset declining enrollment, keeping the city’s student numbers relatively flat between 2022 and 2024. But immigration into the country and city has ground to a halt under President Donald Trump’s enforcement efforts. Adams has closed many of the emergency shelters the city opened to house migrants.

Several educators at schools with large immigrant populations have noticed sharp enrollment declines this year, driven by existing students leaving and fewer new ones showing up.

“We definitely have seen a decline this year in our schools that serve newcomers,” said John Sullivan, the superintendent overseeing transfer schools geared toward older high school students, at a hearing last week with the City Council.

Manhattan’s Liberty High School Academy for Newcomers is down about 200 students this year compared to its average enrollment in recent years, Sullivan said. More students learning English are dropping out of school early to take jobs, he said.

ELLIS Prep, another high school in the Bronx geared toward older newcomers, has also seen slower enrollment this year, Principal Norma Vega said. The school is down about 30 students from last year and roughly 20 students under its projection for this year. That meant Vega would have had to pay back roughly $333,000 if the city had followed through with the midyear clawback.

Keeping that money will allow her to continue funding field trips, computers for students, and extra tutoring, she said.

Vega already missed the deadline for this school year to cut teachers, which means she would have started next school year with a deficit and likely would have lost her English as a New Language coordinator, one of her newest hires.

“It’s a blessing” to not have to pay back the funds midyear, Vega said.

Before the pandemic, schools typically had to give money back to the city during the middle of the school year if they enrolled fewer students than projected. (Those that enrolled more students would get extra funds midyear.)

The policy to keep school budgets afloat despite enrollment, known as being “held harmless,” was initially enacted during the pandemic when many schools saw their rosters dwindle but had mounting needs to support students academically and emotionally.

Enrollment citywide has been on the decline for a decade, but went into freefall during the pandemic, dropping by nearly 100,000 students. This year’s enrollment decline is the largest since the 2021-22 school year, when enrollment fell by around 36,000 students, or 3.8%, from the previous year.

The city halted the hold harmless policy in the 2023-24 school year only to bring it back last year.

Last school year, the decision not to claw back school budgets midyear meant schools hung onto $157 million they would have otherwise had to give back. City officials committed a separate $126 million in June to ensure that no schools started out this school year with less funding than they had at the start of last school year.

This year’s total is far larger, given the steeper enrollment decline.

Emily Paige, the principal of Urban Assembly Unison, a small Brooklyn middle school, said she was on the hook for roughly $100,000 because of enrollment losses — enough to cover an entire teacher salary.

While the hold harmless policy is widely popular among school staff and families, it can be an unsustainable practice, some observers say, artificially inflating schools’ budgets and creating even more difficult financial decisions down the road as the city confronts increasingly expensive small schools.

The union representing principals, the Council for School Administrators, or CSA, claimed the move as a victory for its members, saying in an email to principals on Sunday its “top priority” this year has been ensuring the city kept its promise to hold schools harmless.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Amy Zimmer is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat New York. Contact Amy at azimmer@chalkbeat.org.

As SNAP cuts loom, NYC schools scramble to stockpile food for families in need

2025-10-29T18:48:13+00:00

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With nearly 2 million New York City residents soon to lose federal food stamps, schools across the five boroughs are scrambling to create plans to quickly get extra food to hungry families.

Officials in President Donald Trump’s administration have said they will stop funding the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, starting Nov. 1 if the federal government, which has been shut down for nearly a month, doesn’t reopen.

That would cut off benefits for roughly 1.8 million city residents who received $5 billion worth of food assistance in 2025, according to the Independent Budget Office. That count includes about 500,000 children.

It’s not clear exactly how many city students receive SNAP, but more than three-quarters of district and charter school students — roughly 806,000 — qualified for free or reduced-price lunch, or government benefits including SNAP, last year, according to city data.

School leaders say the abrupt loss of food benefits would be devastating and could set off a cascade of other challenges for kids that would show up in the classroom.

“I’m worried it’s going to be a crisis,” said Ben Geballe, principal of M.S. 131 in Chinatown, where nearly 90% of students live in poverty. “If you’re on SNAP, you’re living on the edge already. You give people a little push, and it can be very challenging.”

Schools like Geballe’s are now scrambling to set up their own ad hoc food distribution systems, tapping into their budgets, raising outside funds, and leveraging their relationships with parents and community partners to help ensure families don’t have to rely only on outside food banks that will be facing a crush of new demand.

Geballe’s school is restarting a school food pantry where families who are homeless or otherwise food insecure get a bag of groceries every two weeks. He’s asked a private donor who contributed money to help cover field trips to repurpose those funds for food. And the school is brainstorming ways to get kids involved as helpers, including by allowing them to donate prizes they earn for good behavior to the school’s food bank.

The school partners with a community based organization on an after-school program, and they are working together to expand meal service for those who stay later, so kids can count on three free hot meals — a breakfast before school, lunch, and a hot “supper” around 3:30 p.m.. All students get free breakfast and lunch in city schools.

State leaders pledge to help plug some gaps

State leaders have promised to step in to fill some of the federal funding gap. Gov. Kathy Hochul committed $30 million in state funds earlier this week to cover about 16 million meals at food pantries. State Attorney General Letitia James also joined a multistate lawsuit that seeks to force the U.S. Department of Agriculture, which oversees SNAP, to tap into billions of dollars in emergency reserves to continue funding SNAP.

So far, the city Education Department hasn’t launched any systemwide efforts to get extra food to families losing SNAP benefits.

“We are aware of potential SNAP disruptions that may affect our school community,” said Isla Gething, a department spokesperson, “and our students can continue to count on their school meals.”

Hochul has said she’s exploring the idea of using schools to send home additional food with families but hasn’t released any concrete plans.

In the meantime, city schools are continuing to devise their own food distribution plans.

At M.S. 50 in Williamsburg, Brooklyn, Principal Ben Honoroff said the school has spent years building systems to help families facing food insecurity. It now expects a big uptick in demand.

The school is planning to tap its federal Title I funds for students in temporary housing to give families vouchers they can redeem at local restaurants and subsidize orders on the online grocery site Fresh Direct. Families living in shelters, he noted, don’t have access to kitchens and need meals that don’t require much preparation.

Other schools are turning outwards to collect extra money.

Sally Schwab, an assistant principal at University Prep Charter High School in the South Bronx said roughly 85% of her students’ families receive SNAP. She launched a GoFundMe page Tuesday with the goal of raising $5,000, and had already surpassed that goal by Wednesday morning. The school plans to use the funds to buy grocery store gift cards and stock up on basics that they’ll distribute through a school food pantry.

At the Urban Assembly Institute of Math and Science for Young Women in downtown Brooklyn, administrators sent home a letter to families and staff earlier this week warning about the looming SNAP cuts and asking for donations to the school’s food and clothing pantry.

The school’s principal, Kiri Soares, said she’s trying to stockpile food that fits her families’ cultural backgrounds as well as other supplies like diapers and menstrual products that families use SNAP benefits to purchase.

Several school leaders said that if the SNAP shutdown drags on, they hope the city and state will launch a more comprehensive effort to tap public schools as a way of distributing food. During the COVID pandemic, schools became community food distribution centers, handing out millions of free meals to both students and families and other community members.

“The infrastructure is there,” said Soares. “It would be an easy switch to flip.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

NYC is piloting free child care for kids ages 2 and under. These neighborhoods get priority.

2025-10-27T16:55:37+00:00

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For the first time, New York City is preparing to open hundreds of free, publicly funded child care seats for kids ages 2 and under, regardless of their parents’ income.

The roughly 240 seats are set to open in January and are part of a $10 million pilot funded in the city’s budget agreement from June. City Council leaders who pushed for the program said they hope it will offer a blueprint for future efforts to expand free child care to a wider swath of the youngest New Yorkers.

“This latest critical investment in child care gives the City the tools necessary to build a system to provide care for families with children from birth to five years old,” said Rendy Desamours, a spokesperson for Council Speaker Adrienne Adams, a Queens Democrat.

The city already funds preschool seats for nearly 100,000 3- and 4-year-olds, and the push to expand that system has gathered steam in recent months. Mayoral frontrunner Zohran Mamdani has pledged to provide free universal child care starting when children are six weeks old, and Gov. Kathy Hochul has said expanding child care is a top priority.

The new seats, unlike the majority of those in the city’s 3-K and Pre-K programs, will be subsidized for up to 10 hours a day year round, rather than following the K-12 school schedule, which runs six hours and 20 minutes a day, from September through June.

A City Council spokesperson said the seats will open in January, but officials didn’t immediately clarify when families could start applying or when enrollment would begin. Applications for Pre-K and 3-K programs starting September 2026 open in January.

Contracts between the city and providers who will be offering the new seats have yet to be finalized, but officials have now narrowed how they will award them, according to information provided by the City Council.

City officials will prioritize high-needs neighborhoods including Hunts Point and Mott Haven in the Bronx, Sunset Park in Brooklyn, and Jamaica, Queens for the new seats. (See the full list of priority neighborhoods below.)

Officials selected those neighborhoods based on their poverty rates, estimates of how many eligible children aren’t in child care, and the number of families who fall just above the income threshold to qualify for city programs geared towards low-income families.

Education Department spokesperson Dominique Ellison said the pilot will “expand access to care for infants and toddlers in communities with the greatest need.” But officials stressed they are still working out the final number and location of the new seats.

Some of the $10 million will also go towards outreach to ensure families know about the new seats.

Before the new pilot program, publicly funded free child care seats for kids 2 and under were available only to families who make below 85% of the state median income. That comes out to about $91,000 a year for a family of three and $109,000 for a family of four.

The city Education Department has struggled to fill all of those seats, with 6,250 infants and toddlers enrolled last year and more than 4,100 seats unfilled, according to city data. Advocates and experts say the application process for the income-based programs can be onerous for families.

A separate state-run voucher program, using the same income threshold, gives families an average of $300 a week to defray child care costs, and has exploded in popularity.

But as the costs of child care have continued to rise, it has become a crippling expense even for families with higher incomes — helping drive an exodus of families with young children from the five boroughs.

For the new seats, city officials will tap child care centers and home-based programs that already have contracts for other programs.

Families will apply for the new seats through the same MySchools portal used for Pre-K, 3-K, and income-based programs, a council spokesperson said.

Here’s the full list of priority ZIP codes, with their borough and neighborhood names, along with alternates:

Highest Priority Neighborhoods (with ZIP codes)

Bronx

Hunts Point and Mott Haven, 10459

Hugh Bridge and Morrisania, 10452

Northeast Bronx, 10466

Central Bronx, 10460

Brooklyn

Sunset Park, 11220

Southern Brooklyn, 11224

Borough Park, 11219

Bushwick and Williamsburg, 11206

Manhattan

Central Harlem, 10027

Queens

Jamaica, 11432

Staten Island

Port Richmond, 10304

Alternates:

Bronx

Bronx Park and Fordham, 10467

Brooklyn

Borough Park, 11204

Borough Park, 11230

Southern Brooklyn, 11223

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

As ICE sweeps up parents, NYC schools step up their support

2025-10-23T21:25:31+00:00

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The 9-year-old stood just feet away with her mom and baby brother, crying and slamming her fist against the wall, as federal immigration agents seized her father earlier this month after a routine court hearing in Manhattan.

In the days that followed, the fourth grader from Venezuela was too bereft to return to school.

“I told her to get up to go to school, and she would tell me, ‘Mami, I feel very tired,’” said the girl’s mom, who asked not to use their names for fear of being targeted by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE. The girl, who receives medical treatment for epilepsy, broke down in tears so frequently her mom fears it triggered her seizures.

But there was one bright spot amid the grief: Their tight-knit public school in the West Village showered the family with support. (Chalkbeat isn’t naming the school at the family’s request.)

The principal offered to meet the girl at the homeless shelter where they were living and escort her to school. A teacher called and told the girl that her classmates were eager to see her. Fellow parents connected the family to lawyers and advocates.

“There’s been so much support from the school, giving us the encouragement to return to school, making sure my daughter is calmer, and me and my baby too,” the mom said in Spanish. “It’s a school that is very present with us with everything happening.”

It’s difficult to know how many parents of public school students in New York City have been swept up in President Donald Trump’s mass deportation campaign. ICE data collected by the Deportation Data Project doesn’t track whether detained immigrants have children.

But as immigration arrests have surged, so have images of parents pulled away from their children — often through screams and tears — by masked agents in the hallways of Manhattan’s immigration court at 26 Federal Plaza.

Now, educators and advocates say a growing number of schools have found themselves acting as lifelines for students who had one or both parents detained by ICE, stepping in to help them navigate the loss of a caregiver, keep their education on track, and process their grief.

The arrests can send shockwaves through school communities, too, administrators said.

At Central Park East II, a Manhattan middle and high school, the recent arrest of a parent of two current students deeply shook staffers, said Principal Naomi Smith.

“It’s really hard,” she said. “Anyone who knew her or had her kids, we were upset.”

Schools’ support ranges from meeting basic needs to grief counseling

For families where a parent faces ICE detention, the first and most pressing question is often who will take care of the kids, said Julie Babayeva, a supervising attorney for the New York Legal Assistance Group.

“A fear for parents of young children is they won’t know who will pick the child up from school that day,” Babayeva said.

Under New York law, immigrant families can designate a “standby guardian” to care for their children in case they’re arrested or deported. Those guardians can make decisions about a student’s education — helping ensure they remain in school after the parent is detained.

But many families still don’t know about the law, Babayeva said, and some city schools are trying to spread the word.

Several schools have worked with Babayeva to offer workshops that help immigrant families designate standby guardians. In one case, Babayeva got a call on a hotline she operates from a local public school parent who is a U.S. citizen and wanted to offer himself up as a guardian for immigrant children at his kids’ school.

Schools have also stepped in to provide material support after a parent is detained.

At Central Park East II, staff and families gathered donations to ensure the mother detained by ICE had money to make phone calls from her detention center. They’re also filling a bag with clothes and supplies so the mom has some with her if she’s deported, Smith said.

At ELLIS Preparatory Academy, a Bronx high school for newly arrived immigrants, a student lost her main source of child care for her own toddler when her mother was arrested by ICE in June. The school’s principal, Norma Vega, offered to care for the toddler in her office so the girl could attend summer school. (The student didn’t take her up on it.)

Dominique Ellison, a spokesperson for the city Education Department, said if the city is notified of a parent’s arrest and gets permission from the family, officials will contact organizations that can offer legal assistance.

Educators said they work hard to help students whose parents were detained cope with the emotional fallout — giving them extra time with counselors and social workers. But that can be challenging when the situation is so fresh and the threats of immigration enforcement are ever-present.

“We talk about … helping support people in trauma,” said Jessica Chock-Goldman, a Manhattan school social worker who has counseled students with parents in ICE detention. “But in this current climate, it’s helping people with basic needs. They’re currently in a state of trauma. They’re still experiencing it. You can’t process something you’re currently experiencing.”

Still, Chock-Goldman said she’s been “astounded” by the resilience of students and family members living in “pervasive fear.”

For the 9-year-old Venezuelan student in Manhattan, the school’s gentle persistence helped. She came back eight days after her father was detained. And although it’s still painful retracing the walk to school she used to do with her dad, being back in school has lifted the fourth grader’s spirits, her mom said.

In other cases, though, schools’ efforts have come up short.

At a Manhattan high school where a teen’s parent was detained by ICE last school year, staffers tried to stay in touch, said the principal, who spoke on the condition of anonymity. But the student had no adult guardians left in the country and soon lost contact with the school, the principal said.

This school year, the student never showed up.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael atmelsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

NYC school bus companies threaten shutdown over contract dispute. Here’s what to know.

2025-10-21T21:30:23+00:00

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New York City’s troubled yellow school bus system is in the spotlight once again, with threats of a service disruption and looming mass layoffs due to a contract dispute with the city.

The city’s largest school bus companies notified the state Department of Labor that they are preparing to shut down operations and lay off employees on Nov. 1 if they don’t receive a contract extension, the New York Post first reported Monday.

Lawmakers, advocates, and city officials immediately condemned the bus companies’ threat, with schools Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos calling the move “deeply upsetting and an act of bad faith.”

The timing of the bus company’s push, just before November’s mayoral election, for a five-year extension that would outlast the incoming mayor’s first term, “effectively bypassed the oversight of voters and elected officials who manage these vital services,” Aviles-Ramos said.

Mayoral frontrunner Zohran Mamdani agreed, telling reporters at an unrelated Tuesday press conference that the oversight panel in charge of approving the contract “is right to not give in to the threats.”

The bus companies argue they have no choice because their temporary contract is expiring and they can no longer operate without a longer-term agreement.

The episode is the latest in a long history of conflicts over how to manage the sprawling yellow bus system, which relies on a patchwork of largely for-profit companies to ferry some 150,000 students across nearly 19,000 routes each day. All told, the city spent nearly $2 billion on school busing last year.

Parents and advocates hope this clash can draw renewed attention to problems in a system notorious for delayed and no-show buses, long rides without sufficient AC, and a lack of transparency.

“There’s this tug of war over the money,” said Sara Catalinotto, the executive director of the advocacy group Parents for Improving School Transportation. “But this is a service, and without it these kids are discriminated against.”

What’s the history behind these bus contracts?

The current dispute springs from a disagreement over how to handle the city’s “legacy” school bus contracts, which date back to the 1970s and are typically renewed every five years. They most recently expired in June.

In the months before the contracts expired, city Education Department officials signaled they were interested in rebidding the contracts, or soliciting offers from a new set of companies to more efficiently modernize buses, increase service, and strengthen sanctions for contract violations.

Simply renewing the existing contracts gives the city “far less negotiating ability … because we have to continue with this same set of vendors,” Emma Vadehra, the Education Department’s former deputy chancellor, told the City Council in May.

But city officials say they can’t move forward with rebidding without the option to offer something called the “Employee Protection Provision,” or EPP.

That protection — built into the legacy contracts for decades — ensures unionized bus workers laid off by one company are prioritized for hiring by other companies, at their existing wages. Drivers and union officials consider the provision a dealbreaker — and would almost certainly strike without it.

But city officials say a 2011 state court decision prohibits them from inserting EPP into new contracts if they rebid — and only allows them to keep EPP if they extend existing contracts. The only fix, city officials say, is changing state law — an effort that has so far stalled in Albany.

Without that state legislation, city officials faced a choice: inking another five-year extension or pushing for a shorter-term contract in the hopes state lawmakers quickly clear the way for a rebid.

Who is opposed to a five-year contract renewal?

While the city moved ahead with negotiations for a five-year extension, a growing number of advocates, parents, and lawmakers flooded meetings of the Panel for Educational Policy, or PEP — the body that approves Education Department contracts — to push for a shorter-term contract.

“Do not vote yes to extend for some long period of time,” said Christi Angel, a parent leader in District 75, which serves students with significant disabilities who disproportionately rely on busing, at the September PEP meeting. Roughly 43% of students who ride school buses have disabilities. “Don’t reward bad behavior,” Angel said. “This is a broken system.”

Their arguments quickly gained traction in the PEP, where multiple members expressed their opposition to a five-year extension at September’s meeting.

The panel is expected to vote on the five-year extension next month, after the mayoral election, said PEP Chair Greg Faulkner, though he would prefer to wait until the new mayor takes office in January.

“Shouldn’t the mayor-elect have some say in a billion dollar contract?” said Faulkner. “I just think that’s sound governance.”

Why are the city and bus companies at odds right now?

Over the summer, the city and bus companies agreed to two emergency extensions to keep service running, the second of which expires on Oct. 31.

Without a guarantee of an active contract after that date — since the PEP is not voting this month — the bus companies claim they have no choice but to consider layoffs.

The city, however, had “long planned” to offer an emergency extension for November and December, and officials delivered the agreement to the bus companies on Monday, Aviles-Ramos said.

The PEP only votes on those extensions after they’ve already taken effect, Faulkner noted.

The bus companies, he said, are attempting to “create confusion in order to hold us hostage for a longer term agreement.”

The bus companies reject that assertion and say they simply cannot survive any longer on emergency extensions, which don’t allow them the kind of long-term certainty they need to operate their businesses.

“Banks will not finance 30-day extensions, buses can’t be bought, payroll cannot be paid,” said Sean Crowley, a lawyer representing several companies. “Enough is enough!”

The companies claim that they have already worked out the contours of a new five-year contract extension with the city and are just awaiting the PEP’s approval, though Faulkner said the Education Department hasn’t yet presented the PEP with the contract.

What happens from here?

A spokesperson confirmed that several bus companies had received the city’s offer for another emergency contract extension and were reviewing the documents.

Aviles-Ramos said the city is working to get “alternative transportation services” in place if that falls through.

But even if the bus companies and city do manage to avoid a service shutdown Nov. 1, the episode raises larger questions about how to make lasting improvements in the troubled system. Ongoing driver shortages make that task even harder.

The bus companies argue that the five-year contract agreement they sketched out with the city would achieve many of those goals, including stricter accountability to ensure drivers use GPS tracking, more staffing to field parent complaints, and monetary penalties for companies that underperform, according to testimony submitted to the PEP in September.

But critics continue to push for a shorter-term extension to give the state legislature time to pass EPP legislation, and clear the way for a rebid.

Mamdani has not offered specifics about how he would manage the school bus system, but said Tuesday that given the many concerns about yellow bus service, any contract extension deserves a “hard look.”

Some reformers point to changes already underway. Under Mayor Bill de Blasio, the city bought out the largest bus company and turned it over to a nonprofit overseen by the city.

Matt Berlin, the CEO of that nonprofit, called NYCSBUS, and former director of the city’s Office of Pupil Transportation, believes the nonprofit model has “a lot to offer the city” and could expand.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

154,000 NYC students were homeless last school year, another record high

2025-10-20T10:00:00+00:00

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More than 150,000 New York City students experienced homelessness last year, setting yet another record high according to new data obtained by the nonprofit Advocates for Children.

The staggering total, which includes students who lived in shelters along with those doubled up with family or friends, is larger than the entire Dallas school system. During the 2023-2024 school year, roughly 146,000 city students were homeless.

“Every year for the past decade, more than 100,000 students in our public schools have been homeless,” said Jennifer Pringle, Director of Advocates for Children’s Learners in Temporary Housing Project.

“This year alone, we’ve worked with families whose children already missed an entire month of school because of the lack of coordination between the shelter and school systems,” she added.

The ongoing rise in the number of homeless students, now more than double what it was in 2010 even as the overall student population has shrunk, is a reflection of both the city’s acute housing shortage and the surge of migrant families who have filled homeless shelters in recent years.

Since the influx of asylum seekers began in summer 2022, the city’s public schools have absorbed an estimated 50,000 new students in temporary housing.

Last year, roughly 65,000 students spent time in another shelter, while another 82,000 were doubled up, according to the data.

After President Donald Trump began his second term in January, immigration slowed dramatically, and the rate of new families entering city shelters slowed to a trickle. The city’s shelter population has dwindled since its peak in winter 2023 as the city shuttered many of its emergency shelters.

Student homelessness is most acute in the Bronx, where 17% of students — almost 1 in 5 — went without permanent housing. In Staten Island, the figure was 6%.

Homeless students continued to fare worse on almost every educational metric than their peers in permanent housing. Two-thirds of students in shelters were marked chronically absent last year, compared to less than a third of students in permanent housing.

And while the chronic absenteeism rate went down slightly citywide last school year, it ticked up for students in shelters. Longstanding challenges including insufficient transportation for kids placed in shelters far from their schools continue to hamper attendance, advocates said. And many immigrant families in the city’s largest shelters kept their kids home out of fear in the wake of Trump’s inauguration.

Advocates praised some of the city’s efforts in recent years to support homeless students, including hiring dozens of Education Department staffers who work in shelters to help families sort through educational challenges. But advocates are pushing for larger structural changes, including revamping school bus contracts to improve service for students in shelters and amending the state’s school funding formula to direct extra money to districts with higher proportions of homeless students.

Advocates also encouraged the next mayor to push city agencies to work together to place students in shelters in the same borough as their school.

Zohran Mamdani, the frontrunner in the mayoral race, has said the high rate of student homelessness is one of the biggest challenges for the education system. He’s pledged to expand a pilot program called Every Child and Family is Known that matches homeless students with adult mentors in their schools.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Mamdani’s opponents want to grow NYC’s gifted programs. Attracting students isn’t easy.

2025-10-17T16:54:51+00:00

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When mayoral frontrunner Zohran Mamdani reiterated his intention in Thursday night’s debate to eliminate gifted programs for the city’s youngest students, his opponents quickly shot back with promises to move in the opposite direction.

Curtis Sliwa and Andrew Cuomo pledged to open up more gifted classes.

“We don’t have enough slots,” said Sliwa, the Republican nominee, who pledged to double the size of the kindergarten program.

Cuomo, the former New York governor running as an independent, touted his plan to expand gifted and talented programs.

Meanwhile, a group of state and city lawmakers are hoping to go even further, introducing legislation last week that would force the Education Department to scale up gifted classrooms across the city.

But funneling more students into gifted classrooms, which disproportionately enroll white and Asian American students, might be easier said than done.

Three years ago, Mayor Eric Adams made a similar pledge to expand accelerated learning opportunities. The city opened dozens of gifted programs in underserved areas, with 38 schools hosting new gifted programs for rising third graders and eight more programs for kindergarteners, which has historically been the main entry point, according to a Chalkbeat analysis of Education Department data.

Supporters of gifted programs argue these classes help keep families in the public school system. Yet the overall number of students formally admitted to gifted programs citywide fell by more than 1,000 between 2019 and 2023, the Chalkbeat analysis found.

To fill empty seats, schools have moved students to gifted classrooms even if their families didn’t apply, more than offsetting the decline. With those students included in the total, nearly 18,000 students, about 5% of elementary students, were enrolled in gifted classes last year, an increase of about 2,000 children since 2019, department officials said.

New programs are slow to gain traction with families

According to city data, 44 of the schools offering the program — around a third of the citywide total — had fewer than 18 students enrolled in at least one of their gifted classes last year. Over half those schools were newer programs, Chalkbeat’s analysis found.

Experts and educators point to several factors that have made it difficult to grow the program through the formal admissions process. Many families don’t know gifted tracks are available. Another major reason: The third grade entry point adds logistical hurdles for families.

“It’s harder for parents to make a decision to change schools in third grade because of friendships, because of siblings, because of convenience and location reasons,” said Allison Roda, an associate professor at Molloy College who has studied the city’s gifted program.

An Education Department spokesperson said the agency has tried to make it easier for families to learn about and apply to gifted programs by making it part of the regular kindergarten application process.

Adams argued it is fairer to assess students for gifted programs after they’ve had a few years of formal schooling, and experts have criticized the city’s practice of tracking students at age 4, which few other school districts do. Mamdani has indicated he plans to keep the program starting for third graders.

It can take time for schools with new gifted offerings to establish enough of a reputation to attract applicants from other communities, Roda said, noting that some white families have expressed reluctance to accept a gifted seat if it means switching to a school that is predominantly Black and Latino.

About 62% of students in gifted classrooms are white or Asian American, even as they represent just 35% of the public school system as a whole. And while more Black and Latino students are now enrolling in gifted programs, they continue to be vastly underrepresented.

P.S. 279 in Crown Heights opened a gifted program starting in third grade in recent years, but had only admitted nine students as of 2023, according to city data. Outside the school on a recent weekday, several parents said they had no idea the program existed.

Caesar Ashley, a parent at the school, said his daughter was placed in the program last year even though the family never applied.

“If you do good on your work,” his fourth grader said, “they’ll put you in the class.”

Typically, second graders in the top 10% of their school based on report card grades are eligible for gifted programs that begin in third grade. In the wake of the pandemic, city officials eliminated an admissions test for kindergarten gifted programs and now rely on nominations from prekindergarten teachers.

Schools are allowed to move students into gifted classrooms without an application as long as they use “academic criteria,” a department spokesperson said.

Some principals may be reluctant to encourage their students to enroll in gifted programs elsewhere, because school budgets are directly tied to student enrollment. If a student leaves and isn’t replaced, that means fewer dollars for art, music, and afterschool programs.

Underenrolled gifted programs end up costing the city more. Schools usually cover the costs of gifted classes from their own budgets, which are based on student headcount. But for schools without enough students enrolled in gifted classes to cover the cost of a full-time teacher, the city chips in to make up the difference, paying out roughly $2.9 million to 44 schools last year.

Research on whether gifted programs benefit students who attend is limited, though one study focused on New York City found the programs can meaningfully boost reading and math scores, particularly among Black and Latino children. The Education Department’s own research on that question is less conclusive.

Families may not see clear benefits to sending their students to gifted programs, which sometimes move at a faster pace but often use the same curriculum as traditional classrooms, said Roda, who has interviewed numerous families about gifted programming.

“There’s skepticism among parents about what is actually different,” she said.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Alex Zimmerman is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

Mamdani’s $12 million teacher hiring plan: Tuition aid for 3-year commitment to NYC schools

2025-10-15T19:18:03+00:00

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To help New York City hire thousands of extra teachers to lower class sizes, mayoral front-runner Zohran Mamdani wants to offer prospective educators tuition assistance in exchange for a commitment to teach three years in city schools, he said Wednesday.

The plan, one of only a handful of K-12 education proposals Mamdani has put forward in the runup to November’s mayoral election, would bring in roughly 1,000 extra teachers a year at an annual cost of $12 million, he said at a press conference outside an elementary school in Astoria, Queens, the area he represents in the state assembly. Mamdani said savings from cutting contracts and bloat within the Education Department’s bureaucracy would cover the cost.

Under the state’s 2022 class size law, all city classrooms must meet the designated caps of between 20 and 25 students by 2028 — an effort that will require both carving out new space and hiring thousands more educators.

All told, the city will have to hire nearly 18,000 additional teachers to meet the law’s demands, according to estimates from the Independent Budget Office.

“This city faces an urgent question of where and how will we find them,” Mamdani said.

The Democratic socialist was flanked by Queens State Sen. John Liu, one of his early endorsers and a chief architect of the state’s class size law, along with officials from the city teachers union, which backed Mamdani after the Democratic primary and was a major force in lobbying for the state class size law.

“The teachers we have are doing incredible work, but we need to ensure that we ask them to do a job that is in fact possible, and one key part of that is ensuring that they have a limited number of students in their classroom,” he said.

City officials embarked on an unprecedented hiring spree starting last spring to meet the legal requirement of bringing at least 60% of classrooms citywide under the caps by this fall.

The Education Department doled out hundreds of millions of dollars in extra funding to over 700 schools to hire roughly 3,700 new teachers needed to lower class sizes. That’s on top of the 4,000 to 5,000 teachers schools hire each summer to fill vacant positions.

By the end of September, city schools had hired around 6,300 teachers for this school year. That’s up from roughly 4,800 hired over the same period last year, but city officials didn’t respond to a question about whether it was enough to meet the mandated caps.

Mamdani plan builds on existing programs

Mamdani’s proposal is similar to some existing programs like NYC Men Teach and New York City Teaching Fellows that subsidize tuition or offer an expedited path into the teaching profession.

K-12 education has largely taken the back burner in the mayoral election, but attracted some attention in recent weeks after Mamdani made a controversial proposal to eliminate kindergarten admissions for gifted and talented programs.

Former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who’s running as an independent and has sought to contrast his education plans with Mamdani’s, has also proposed similar teacher recruitment plans, including growing NYC Teaching Fellows, investing more in “Grow Your Own” programs, and offering tuition assistance for future teachers and career changers.

Mamdani’s plan, which he calls “Community to Classroom,” would offer two tracks: one for high school students who can get college credits, mentorship, and up to $12,000 a year in tuition assistance if they commit to teaching in city schools. The other is for career changers, who would also receive $12,000 in tuition assistance to take adult education courses through CUNY or SUNY.

In addition to tuition assistance, program participants would get free OMNY cards, support on certification exams, and mentorship from current city teachers.

Mamdani didn’t immediately offer details about which contracts or central costs he would cut to achieve the savings needed to fund the program.

He acknowledged the program would not meet the city’s full teacher need for the class size law, but said he hopes to expand the program in the future and improve retention of existing teachers.

City officials have already leaned on programs like Teaching Fellows to boost hiring numbers, doubling the size of that program’s cohort from 500 last summer to 1,000 this summer.

Former First Deputy Chancellor Dan Weisberg, who led teacher recruitment efforts in New York City before stepping down this summer, said that while he hasn’t reviewed Mamdani’s plan, effective efforts to boost hiring should combine “targeted recruiting, tuition subsidies, and support.”

Pointing to programs like the Teaching Follows program, he said “there’s no telling how much we could scale them up effectively” but is “confident we could do it significantly.”

Teacher hiring won’t be enough at overcrowded schools

Even if the city reaches its elevated hiring goals in the coming years, hundreds of schools are too crowded to meet the class size caps. Those schools will need to either find additional space or cut their student numbers by capping enrollment — a strategy the city so far has not embraced.

Mamdani criticized Mayor Eric Adams for doing too little to plan ahead for those schools — and vowed to fill vacant positions in the School Construction Authority to speed new school projects.

“My first order of business will be to exhaust every single option we have in front of us,” he said.

Mamdani, who has said little about who is eyeing as his schools chief, praised current Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos for her “creativity” and “ingenuity” in seeking to meet the class size law’s demands so far.

“I think she has been doing a good job,” Mamdani said when asked if he might keep Aviles-Ramos in the position. “I will consider anyone on the basis of the work that they have done, not hold it against them as to who appointed them as to who appointed them to that job.”

Alex Zimmerman contributed.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Mamdani wants to rethink gifted and talented in NYC. The program has already seen big shifts.

2025-10-10T23:33:20+00:00

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Mayoral frontrunner Zohran Mamdani reignited the debate over New York City’s gifted and talented system earlier this month when he signaled his intention to shake up the program by eliminating admission for kindergartners.

The gifted programs, which enroll nearly 18,000 elementary students across 140 schools, have long been a lightning rod for questions about diversity, fairness, and academic achievement. Roughly 2,500 students are currently admitted in kindergarten and remain in separate classes or schools through fifth grade.

Both of Mamdani’s opponents, former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who is running as an independent, and Republican Curtis Sliwa, quickly countered with proposals to preserve and expand gifted classes. And on Friday, four lawmakers from southern Brooklyn introduced state legislation that would require the city’s Education Department to expand gifted programming.

Lost in the recent political volley: New York City’s gifted and talented system has already changed in recent years, with a meaningful increase in the number of Black and Latino students, children from low-income families, and students with disabilities.

Those demographic shifts are the result of a move from a test-based admissions system to one based primarily on teacher recommendations, along with Mayor Eric Adams’ administration opening dozens of new gifted and talented programs starting in third grade in underserved areas.

The changes have opened gifted education to a much wider swath of students, but also have created new challenges for schools that have long enrolled a much narrower range of students, some educators and parents said.

The gifted system’s trajectory under Adams also shows the challenges of growing: Many of the new third-grade gifted classes struggled to attract enough applicants, forcing schools to backfill the open seats with students who didn’t formally apply, according to a Chalkbeat review of city data and Education Department officials.

Mamdani’s proposal, which would preserve classes that start in third grade, seems to be sparking discussion within the city Education Department.

Schools Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos told families at a Staten Island parent town hall on Monday that she’s “concerned” about the current admission process, and that the Education Department in recent days has started talking about possible changes.

How to structure the program is a challenge that has vexed multiple city mayors. Former Mayor Bill de Blasio in the final months of his tenure proposed eliminating separate gifted classes altogether, but Adams halted that plan.

“It’s a really important problem to solve, and a really hard one too,” said Tamara Sussman, a parent of a Queens student in a gifted program. It requires “balancing an equitable education with one that feels challenging and appropriate.”

From testing to recommendations: A more diverse gifted and talented

The city’s gifted programs long relied on standardized exams administered to 4-year-olds to determine admission, with roughly a quarter of test-takers qualifying for a spot in 2019.

Under the teacher recommendation system, which launched during the pandemic, that equation shifted dramatically. Last year, 85% of applicants to gifted programs were deemed eligible.

At River Park Nursery School on the Upper West Side, Director Maria Nunziata estimates around 80% of her preschool families apply for gifted spots — and she recommends virtually all of them.

“Every child brings to us some kind of gift and talent,” she said.

In other parts of the city, far fewer students even apply. Just 76 students from the Bronx’s District 9 applied last year, compared to 718 students from Upper West Side’s District 3, even though the latter district has 5,000 fewer students.

With far more eligible students than available seats, the city gives first priority to siblings of existing students. Some schools also set aside seats for students from underrepresented groups. The remaining seats are determined by a lottery.

Under the test-based system, children had to score above the 90th percentile to qualify for the vast majority of programs, which are separate gifted classes within neighborhood schools.

To be eligible for one of five standalone gifted schools — including New Explorations into Science, Technology and Math; Talented and Gifted School for Young Scholars; and The Anderson School — students had to score above the 97th percentile.

But the test helped drive sharp racial and economic segregation: In 2020, the last year it was administered, just 12% of kindergartners in gifted programs were Black or Latino.

After the city nixed the test, the demographics began to change.

In the 2023-24 school year, 30% of kindergartners in gifted programs were Black or Latino, officials said at a recent City Council hearing. The share of students from low-income families in gifted programs citywide rose to 47% last year, up from 34% in 2019, according to Education Department data.

“We are proud to host increasingly diverse [gifted and talented] classes that reflect the diversity of our city,” said Education Department spokesperson Jenna Lyle, who noted that the city also incorporated the gifted application into the normal kindergarten application to streamline the process for families.

A changing population brings new possibilities and challenges

Some parents and educators say the admissions changes have opened access to students with learning disabilities who would have been screened out by the test but nonetheless benefit from an accelerated program. Citywide, the share of gifted students with disabilities rose to 5% last year from 3% in 2019. (About 22% of students citywide have a disability.)

At Talented and Gifted School for Young Scholars in East Harlem, “taking away the test made it so we attracted students who were more neurodivergent,” said Elaine Tang, a special education teacher. The school recently opened its first classes with both a special and general education teacher.

“It’s kind of forced us to question: What does it mean to be gifted anyways?” she said.

She noted the school’s proficiency rates on state tests had remained in the high 90s. (Across all five standalone gifted schools, reading and math proficiency rates on state exams were in the mid-to-high 90s last school year, with little change from past years.)

As a wider set of students are now eligible for gifted seats, however, several parents and educators said some programs are straining to accommodate students with a broader range of academic abilities.

“Children feel like there’s something wrong with them when really they’re not ready for a curriculum that’s a year past their grade level,” said one staffer at a gifted program, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of retribution.

At New Explorations into Science, Technology and Math, some parents are also noticing differences.

“When you go into the classroom, it’s louder,” said one parent who has two children who attended the school, one of whom was admitted after the new admissions changes went into effect. “It’s a stark contrast to when I used to go for the older one. They could sit. They could pay attention more. They could keep up.”

Other educators wondered whether pandemic disruptions have also altered students’ academic readiness and behavior.

“It’s hard to pull apart how it would have looked if none of these kids had been learning at home for the first half of their elementary experience,” said Leigh Ercole, who teaches fourth and fifth graders in the gifted program at Manhattan’s P.S. 165.

She continues to believe in the importance of having a gifted track, but would like to see an admissions overhaul.

Ercole believes the city should use a mix of teacher nominations and other assessments to measure whether students are prepared for gifted classrooms. Students should be universally screened to ensure everyone has a fair shot at admission, she said, adding that at a previous job in the Bronx, she saw few parents who knew about gifted programs.

“I don’t think the answer is to say, ‘No one is gifted,’” she said. “I think it’s going to do a disservice to students in the city.”

Sussman, the Queens mom, said her children, both of whom attended a gifted program at P.S. 150Q, benefited from math instruction that moved at a faster pace. But she was open to other methods of providing accelerated instruction, including “schoolwide enrichment” models.

Those programs provide accelerated opportunities for students based on their strengths and interests without tracking them into separate classrooms. An advisory group under de Blasio proposed schoolwide enrichment as a replacement for gifted tracks.

Ultimately, Sussman agreed with Mamdani’s plan to phase out gifted programs for kindergartners.

“It is really young to start dividing kids,” Sussman said.

One study finds NYC gifted programs boost learning

Amid heated debates about gifted education, there is limited research on a basic question: Do the programs boost student learning?

One study focused on New York City suggests the answer might be yes.

A group of University of Pennsylvania researchers found that the city’s gifted programs appear to significantly increase state test scores — with some of the largest gains among Black and Latino children. Still, strong students who did not attend gifted programs still performed well, suggesting they were unlikely to be harmed if they didn’t attend.

A separate review conducted by the city’s Education Department was less conclusive. “There is no clear trend or indication that G&T enrollment is associated with student achievement,” according to an analysis of math and reading scores obtained by Chalkbeat through a public records request. (Both studies were conducted when the city relied on the admissions exam.)

Allison Roda, an associate professor at Molloy College who has studied the city’s gifted program, emphasized that there is enormous variation in how they are implemented.

“There isn’t a standard curriculum and so you might get enrichment, you might get acceleration,” she said. “It really depends on the school district and the teacher.”

Moreover, New York City’s approach of diverting gifted students to separate schools and classrooms starting as early as kindergarten makes it an outlier nationally. Tang, the Manhattan gifted teacher, taught in three New Jersey districts before moving to the city and never saw standalone gifted classes.

Separate gifted programs in the suburbs are “very rare,” she said. “I think we have to wonder why that is.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael atmelsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Alex Zimmerman is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex atazimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

These Bronx students’ U.S. Capitol tour was canceled by the shutdown. Then AOC stepped in.

2025-10-02T20:29:53+00:00

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Eighth graders from Zeta Charter Schools in the Bronx were scheduled to tour the U.S. Capitol building Wednesday morning when the federal government shut down, placing their tour guide on furlough and leaving the disappointed students with no way to get inside the building.

But the group soon got an unforgettable civics lesson when Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez offered to step in as a replacement tour guide.

Ocasio-Cortez, who represents swaths of Queens and the Bronx where some Zeta students live, had already planned to greet the group on their tour. When she found out the tour was canceled, she decided to get the students into the building the only way she could: by personally escorting them.

“It was a totally different direction than we thought the day would go,” said Dan Rojas, the school manager and one of the chaperones. “We knew that what we had planned was not going to happen in the way that we had planned it many months ago. It turned very, very quickly into, actually, a much better experience.”

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez gives a high-five to a Zeta student during their U.S. Capitol tour.

The adult chaperones were immediately star-struck when Ocasio-Cortez, a 35-year-old Democrat representing Queens and the Bronx who has shot to national prominence as a vocal leader of the party’s progressive wing, strolled up to the group outside the Capitol, Rojas said.

But few of the 12- and 13-year-old students recognized her.

“Before we actually met her, I had no idea who she was,” said 13-year-old Jordan Allen.

But Allen was excited to learn about Ocasio-Cortez’s backstory of growing up in the Bronx and Westchester County and working as an organizer and bartender before unseating a powerful incumbent, Joe Crowley, at age 28 in the Democratic primary.

The impromptu tour hit many of the major spots in the Capitol building, including the Rotunda and Senate chambers, where lawmakers just hours earlier had reached an impasse over health care funding and sent the government into a shutdown.

Seeing the Capitol, eerily empty without its normal tours, in the immediate aftermath of the shutdown — the first in seven years — made the Zeta students feel like they were witnessing history.

“It was like seeing America change in live,” said Allen. “It was amazing.”

The tour led by Ocasio-Cortez, often referred to as AOC, also included some stops that aren’t on the normal visitor agenda.

The tour focused on the long history of discrimination facing female lawmakers — and their creativity in overcoming it. Ocasio-Cortez took the students to a reading room only accessible to members of Congress that serves as a gathering place for the women.

She told them about Patsy Mink, the first woman of color elected to the House of Representatives, and Shirley Chisholm, the Brooklyn native and first Black woman in Congress whose portrait now hangs in the Capitol.

For 12-year-old Maia Gilliam, it was seeing Ocasio-Cortez in action that made the biggest impression.

“It was inspiring to see such a powerful woman,” she said.

“She made the tour a lot more interesting,” added 13-year-old Zachary Martinez.

Ocasio-Cortez wanted the students to leave the tour feeling like they were welcome at the Capitol — a building she reminded them is called “the people’s house” — said Karla Santillan, a spokesperson for Ocasio-Cortez who joined the tour.

Some Zeta students left feeling hopeful they can make a positive change at a moment when political divisions have never felt sharper and the federal government has ground to a halt.

“I feel like all these old people are often not making good decisions, and it’s really affecting us a lot,” said Martinez. “But as time goes on, people of our generation, or even people coming close to our generation, they’re making big changes. They’re changing the world. They’re making it better for everyone.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Dylan, Bronx high schooler detained by ICE, loses asylum case, faces possible deportation

2025-09-24T21:45:54+00:00

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Dylan Lopez Contreras, a Bronx high schooler arrested by federal immigration agents in May, was denied asylum and ordered to be deported back to Venezuela, his attorneys said Wednesday.

His legal team from the New York Legal Assistance Group, or NYLAG, plans to appeal the decision made Tuesday by a Newark immigration judge and push for his release on bond. The appeal will stop the deportation process, and Dylan will remain detained in a Pennsylvania facility.

Dylan’s lawyers have 30 days to file the appeal.

“It’s certainly not the outcome we were hoping for and not the outcome he deserves,” said Lauren Kostes, a NYLAG attorney, adding that evidence was “overlooked and ignored.”

Four months ago, Dylan showed up at his routine immigration court date at Manhattan’s 26 Federal Plaza and became the first known public school student to be detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE.

Dylan’s case, which was first reported by Chalkbeat, offered a stark example of how the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown affected New York City school communities — and how educators have tried to reassure families with mounting deportation fears. Dylan’s school, ELLIS Preparatory Academy rallied to his defense, connecting his family with legal support, raising money, and sending him letters, while also trying to reassure its other students who feel threatened by the current political climate.

Several schools across the five boroughs have since grappled with detentions of their own students, including Grover Cleveland High School in Queens, Brooklyn’s Frontiers High School, and P.S. 89, a Queens elementary school that saw a 6-year-old student deported to Ecuador.

The Education Department said they could not share how many public school students have been detained by ICE, especially since they do not track or ask families to disclose country of origin or immigration status.

But hundreds of young people in New York City have been caught in the federal government’s wave of arrests: About 275 people in New York City who were born in 2004 or later have been detained by ICE, according to government data provided by ICE in response to a public records request to the Deportation Data Project and analyzed by Chalkbeat.

Whether someone wins or loses their asylum case, Kostes said, might depend on the luck of the draw in terms of their judge, which “demonstrates a lot of the problems with the immigration system.” In Dylan’s case, his judge had a 95.8% denial rate, Kostes said, noting that the judge’s ruling was not public.

“You can have wildly different interpretations of the same law by different judges,” she said, “so different judges can have wildly different grant rates.”

Immigration Judge Maria Akalski, who oversaw Dylan’s case, had a much higher asylum denial rate than judges nationwide, according to an analysis of 2019-24 data by the nonprofit Transactional Records Clearinghouse.

The appeal process might also be challenging.

The Trump administration has fired many immigration judges, Kostes said, and many in the legal community worry that the firings have targeted those who tended to have higher asylum-granting rates.

Crackdown brings immigration slowdown

When Dylan made the trek from Venezuela across the U.S. border in April 2024 he requested asylum and was permitted to enter the country and work under a Biden-era humanitarian program. The 20-year-old made his way to New York, enrolling in ELLIS Prep, which typically serves older students who have been in the country less than a year. Dylan picked up a part-time job as a delivery worker to help his mom who worked multiple jobs. He helped her save enough money so they and Dylan’s two younger siblings could move out of a city-run shelter and into their own apartment.

Kostes said Dylan did everything right but was still being punished.

“Even with cases that should win under the law, they are not winning,” Kostes said. “It’s doing what it’s supposed to do, which is convincing people to leave and convincing people to stop fighting and convincing people to get out. And that’s heartbreaking and horrifying because they’re getting sent back to places they fled when they had a right to stay.”

President Donald Trump campaigned on promises of mass deportations and has made immigration a focal point of his second term. In his inaugural address, he pledged to return “millions and millions of criminal aliens back to the places from which they came.” In the months that followed, many immigrants without legal status and without criminal histories — like Dylan — have been detained across the nation at routine immigration hearings.

Department of Homeland Security officials have criticized former President Joseph Biden’s policy allowing immigrants like Dylan to enter the country, saying previously, “ICE is now following the law and placing these illegal aliens in expedited removal, as they always should have been.”

The federal government’s approach has dramatically slowed immigration into the country. In July, the number of immigrants unlawfully crossing the U.S.-Mexico sank to a historic low. New York City saw the effects in its shelter system: In the same month, the rate of new migrants entering city-run shelters dropped to fewer than 100 per week from a high of more than 4,000 per week two years before.

A photo of Dylan Lopez Contreras before he was detained by ICE agents.

Dylan has spent most of these past months in Pennsylvania’s Moshannon Valley Processing Center, the largest detention facility in the Northeast. Many have been calling for the facility’s closure, following a federal complaint filed over insufficient medical and mental health care and inadequate translation services.

Dylan recently told Chalkbeat he remained committed to learning English and continued to hold out hope to pursue a college degree in the U.S.

“This unjust detention has frustrated and paralyzed my education and effort momentarily,” Dylan wrote in Spanish a few weeks ago in response to questions Chalkbeat sent through his legal team. “But it won’t make me give up on working hard toward my educational goals.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Amy Zimmer is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat New York. Contact Amy atazimmer@chalkbeat.org.

Dylan, estudiante de secundaria detenido por ICE, revela cómo es su vida ahora

2025-09-17T18:20:02+00:00

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Tres meses de detención han pasado factura a Dylan López Contreras, el estudiante de la ciudad de Nueva York arrestado por agentes federales de inmigración en mayo.

Pero las cartas de sus compañeros de clase han sido un bálsamo, dijo en una entrevista con Chalkbeat, la primera que da desde su arresto.

“Las cartas que he recibido y el apoyo que he recibido me han ayudado a seguir adelante”, dijo el joven de 20 años en español, respondiendo preguntas por escrito a través de sus abogados del New York Legal Assistance Group (Grupo de Asistencia Legal de Nueva York). “Aun así, es extremadamente estresante y angustiante. He visto peleas, racismo e incluso muerte. Me han dado muchas pesadillas”.

Dylan se entregó en la frontera estadounidense en abril de 2024 tras un viaje desde Venezuela. Solicitó asilo y se le permitió entrar al país. Se dirigió a Nueva York y se matriculó en la Academia Preparatoria ELLIS. Fue arrestado por el Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés) en mayo en una cita judicial de rutina y ha pasado la mayor parte de los últimos tres meses en el centro de procesamiento Moshannon Valley Processing Center en Pensilvania, el centro de detención más grande del noreste.

Chalkbeat dio a conocer la noticia del arresto de Dylan, lo cual se convirtió en un claro ejemplo de cómo la represión migratoria de la administración Trump se está extendiendo en la ciudad de Nueva York y está afectando a los estudiantes. Chalkbeat también ha relatado cómo los estudiantes y el personal de ELLIS, una escuela secundaria del Bronx que admite a estudiantes con menos de un año en el país, se movilizaron en su defensa, recaudando fondos para su caso y enviándole cartas.

Dylan López Contreras en una fotografía sin fecha antes de ser detenido.

“Nunca imaginé que recibiría tanto apoyo”, escribió Dylan. “Sinceramente, fue una sensación muy hermosa y llena de esperanza”.

El caso de asilo de Dylan continua el lunes, 15 de septiembre, cuando regresará a la corte de inmigración. [Durante una audiencia el viernes 13 de junio, un juez de inmigración aceptó una moción para reconsiderar la desestimación indebida del caso de asilo de Dylan.]

Cientos de jóvenes neoyorquinos detenidos este año

Cuando el presidente Donald Trump asumió el cargo, prometió “iniciar el proceso de devolver a millones y millones de extranjeros delincuentes a sus lugares de origen”. Meses después, muchos inmigrantes —quienes, como Dylan, se encontraban sin estatus legal, pero tampoco tenían antecedentes penales— fueron detenidos en el número 26 de Federal Plaza, en el Bajo Manhattan, y en otros juzgados de todo el país durante audiencias de inmigración rutinarias.

La administración Trump ha descrito esto como un enfoque de “sentido común”, que les permite encontrar sus objetivos sin tener que dispersarse por los barrios, y dijo que están cumpliendo la promesa de deportaciones masivas que impulsaron la victoria de la campaña de Trump.

Los funcionarios del Departamento de Seguridad Nacional no respondieron de inmediato a las preguntas sobre el caso de Dylan o Moshannon Valley.

Desde que ICE detuvo a Dylan en mayo, se han producido otros arrestos y deportaciones de jóvenes de la ciudad de Nueva York.

El Departamento de Educación de la ciudad dijo que no podía compartir cuántos estudiantes de escuelas públicas han sido detenidos por ICE, especialmente porque no rastrean ni piden a las familias que revelen el país de origen o el estado migratorio.

Este año, ICE ha detenido a unas 275 personas en la ciudad de Nueva York nacidas en 2004 o después, según datos gubernamentales proporcionados por ICE en respuesta a una solicitud de registros públicos al Deportation Data Project (Proyecto de Datos de Deportación) y analizados por Chalkbeat. La mayoría de los detenidos eran hombres, y aproximadamente dos tercios provenían de Latinoamérica. Entre los detenidos se encontraban niños de tres y cuatro años provenientes de Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Honduras y Venezuela.

En agosto, una niña de 6 años que asistía a la escuela pública 89 de Queens fue deportada a Ecuador con su madre, según informes. Ese mismo mes, Mamadou Mouctar, un joven guineano de 20 años que asistía a la escuela secundaria Frontiers de Brooklyn, fue detenido. Al igual que en el caso de Dylan, educadores y líderes municipales expresaron su apoyo.

Del aula del Bronx a la celda de detención

Dylan dijo que sus días en Moshannon Valley han sido monótonos: recuentos de personas a altas horas de la noche y a primera hora de la mañana, y tratando de hacer poco ruido para evitar que las otras 60 personas en su celda le dijeran que guardara silencio. (Cientos de manifestantes se congregaron cerca del centro el mes pasado exigiendo su cierre, tras una denuncia federal presentada contra Moshannon Valley por atención médica y de salud mental insuficiente y servicios de traducción inadecuados.)

“La mayoría de la gente aquí está deprimida”, escribió Dylan. “Pasan la mayor parte del tiempo hablando de su última o próxima decisión judicial, de su familia en el exterior o de la injusticia de estar aquí”.

Dylan López Contreras se dedicó a sus estudios y a apoyar a su familia.

Antes del arresto de Dylan, estaba concentrado en sus estudios y en ayudar a su madre a cuidar a sus dos hermanos menores, en parte gracias a lo que ganaba trabajando como repartidor. Estaba ocupado haciendo amigos en ELLIS, compartiendo arepas con ellos durante el almuerzo. Dijo que esperaba seguir aprendiendo inglés para obtener una licenciatura en Estados Unidos, una meta que, según él, aún planea alcanzar.

“Esta detención injusta ha frustrado y paralizado mi educación y mis esfuerzos momentáneamente”, dijo Dylan. “Pero no me hará renunciar a esforzarme por alcanzar mis metas educativas”.

Dylan sueña con el día en que pueda ser liberado y abrazar a su familia, comer bien y dormir bien. También bromeó sobre tener que recuperar terreno perdido tras perder su racha de 230 días en Duolingo.

Dylan dijo que quería que Trump recordara que los inmigrantes contribuyen a la economía y argumentó que el dinero gastado en medidas drásticas contra la inmigración podría destinarse a otros ámbitos, como la educación. A principios del verano, el Congreso aprobó un proyecto de ley de gastos que destinó una cantidad sin precedentes de $170 mil millones a la aplicación de la ley migratoria.

“Entiendo el punto de vista del presidente al querer que su país sea mejor, pero debe recordar que esta es una nación de migrantes, construida por ellos”, escribió.

Es posible que la audiencia de Dylan no tenga un resultado inmediato, según informaron miembros de su equipo legal. El equipo planea presentar testimonio detallado y pruebas que respalden su solicitud de asilo, lo que podría extender el plazo para una resolución. También existe la posibilidad de que permanezca detenido si obtiene el asilo, pero el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional presenta una apelación. También podría apelar si se le deniega el asilo.

Esta traducción fue proporcionada por The Latino Spirit, en asociación con el Centro de Medios Cooperativos de la Universidad Estatal de Montclair, y cuenta con el apoyo financiero del Consorcio de Información Cívica de NJ. La historia fue escrita originalmente en inglés por Chalkbeat y se vuelve a publicar en virtud de un acuerdo especial para compartir contenido a través del Servicio de noticias de traducción al español de NJ News Commons.

This translation was provided by The Latino Spirit, in association with the Center for Cooperative Media at Montclair State University and is financially supported by the NJ Civic Information Consortium. The story was originally written in English by Chalkbeat and is republished under a special content sharing agreement through the NJ News Commons Spanish Translation News Service.

In his own words: Dylan reveals what it’s like for the high schooler 3 months into his ICE detention

2025-09-12T21:10:07+00:00

Leer en español.

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Three months in detention have taken a toll on Dylan Lopez Contreras, the New York City student arrested by federal immigration agents in May.

But letters from his classmates have been a balm, he said in an interview with Chalkbeat, the first he’s given since his arrest.

“The letters I have received and the support I’ve been given have kept me going,” the 20-year-old said in Spanish, responding to questions in writing through his attorneys at the New York Legal Assistance Group. “Still, it is extremely stressful and distressing. I have seen fights, racism, and even death. It has given me many nightmares.”

Dylan turned himself in at the U.S. border in April 2024 after a trek from Venezuela. He requested asylum and was permitted to enter the country, making his way to New York and enrolling in ELLIS Preparatory Academy. He was arrested by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, in May at a routine court date and has spent most of the past three months at Pennsylvania’s Moshannon Valley Processing Center, the largest detention facility in the Northeast.

Chalkbeat broke the news of Dylan’s arrest, which became a vivid illustration of how the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown is playing out in New York City and affecting students. Chalkbeat has also chronicled how the students and staff at ELLIS, a Bronx high school school that enrolls students who have been in the country less than a year, rallied to his defense, raising money for his case and sending him letters.

Dylan Lopez Contreras in an undated picture before he was detained.

“I never imagined I would receive so much support,” Dylan wrote. “Honestly, it felt very beautiful and hopeful.”

Dylan’s asylum case continues Monday, when he is expected to be back in immigration court. The hearing could determine whether he’s released from detention or deported.

Hundreds of young New Yorkers detained this year

When President Donald Trump took office, he vowed to “begin the process of returning millions and millions of criminal aliens back to the places from which they came.” Months later, many immigrants — who, like Dylan, were without legal status but also had no criminal histories — were detained at Lower Manhattan’s 26 Federal Plaza and other courthouses across the nation at routine immigration hearings.

The Trump administration has described that as a “common-sense” approach, enabling them to find their targets without having to fan out into neighborhoods, and said they are fulfilling the promise of mass deportations that fueled Trump’s campaign victory.

Department of Homeland Security officials did not immediately respond to questions about Dylan’s case or Moshannon Valley.

Since ICE detained Dylan in May, other arrests of New York City youth — and deportations — have followed.

The city’s Education Department said they could not share how many public school students have been detained by ICE, especially since they do not track or ask families to disclose country of origin or immigration status.

This year, ICE has detained about 275 people in New York City who were born in 2004 or later, according to government data provided by ICE in response to a public records request to the Deportation Data Project and analyzed by Chalkbeat. Most of those detained were male, and roughly two-thirds were from Latin America. Three- and 4-year-olds were among those detained from Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Honduras, and Venezuela.

In August, a 6-year-old who attended P.S. 89 in Queens was deported to Ecuador with her mother, according to reports. That same month, Mamadou Mouctar, a 20-year-old from Guinea who attended Brooklyn’s Frontiers High School, was detained. As in Dylan’s case, educators and city leaders spoke out in support.

From Bronx classroom to detention cell

Dylan said his days at Moshannon Valley have been monotonous: late night and early morning head counts and trying to make little noise to avoid being told by the other 60 or so people in his cell to be quiet. (Hundreds of protesters gathered near the facility last month calling for its closure, following a federal complaint filed against Moshannon Valley over insufficient medical and mental health care and inadequate translation services.)

“The majority of the people here are depressed,” Dylan wrote. “They spend most of the time talking about their last, or next, court decision, their family outside, or the injustice of being here.”

Dylan Lopez Contreras was dedicated to his studies and supporting his family.

Before Dylan’s arrest, he was focused on his studies and helping his mom care for his two younger siblings, in part, through the money he made working as a delivery driver. He was busy making friends at ELLIS, sharing his arepas at lunch with them. He said he hoped to continue learning English to pursue a degree in the U.S. — a goal he said he still plans to work toward.

“This unjust detention has frustrated and paralyzed my education and effort momentarily,” Dylan said. “But it won’t make me give up on working hard toward my educational goals.”

Dylan dreams of a day he might be released and be able to hug his family, eat good food, and sleep well. He also joked about having to make up ground after losing his 230-day Duolingo streak.

Dylan said he wanted Trump to remember that immigrants contribute to the economy, and he argued that the money being spent on an immigration crackdown could be dedicated to other things like education. At the start of the summer, Congress approved a spending bill that set aside an unprecedented $170 billion for immigration enforcement.

“I understand the president’s point of wanting his country to be better, but he must remember that this is a nation of migrants, built by them,” he wrote.

It’s possible that Dylan’s hearing on Monday will not yield an immediate outcome, members of his legal team said. The team plans to present detailed testimony and evidence supporting his asylum claim, which could extend the timeline for a resolution. There’s also a chance he could remain in detention if he wins asylum, but the Department of Homeland Security files an appeal. He also could appeal if he’s denied asylum.

Chalkbeat Senior Data Editor Thomas Wilburn contributed.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Amy Zimmer is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat New York. Contact Amy atazimmer@chalkbeat.org.

Back-to-school: 6 things to watch as NYC students return to class

2025-09-03T16:01:43+00:00

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As the new school year begins, the nation’s largest school system stands at the center of major changes at the local, state, and federal policy levels.

New York City is bracing for a possible shift in leadership with the mayoral election approaching in November. As scandals continue to plague Mayor Eric Adams’ administration, he faces increasingly long odds to remain in office — which means the city’s Education Department could come under the helm of a new mayor and chancellor midway through the school year.

The city’s public schools are also contending with big directives from the state, including meeting the caps required under the class size reduction law and the new school cellphone ban.

This will also mark the first full academic year of President Donald Trump’s second term. In its first seven months, his administration announced executive orders and other policy changes related to public education at a dizzying pace.

Here are the six things we’ll be watching this school year:

A pivotal mayoral election approaches

As the November election approaches, Adams is polling in the single digits. If Adams loses, his successor would likely replace Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos. It also opens questions about the future of the mayor’s major initiatives, including the math and literacy curriculum overhauls.

The frontrunner in the mayoral election, Queens state Assemblyman Zohran Mamdani, has a relatively thin record on K-12 education. The Democratic primary winner’s most attention-grabbing proposal so far has been scaling back the mayoral control system that grants city executives far-reaching authority over public schools.

Mamdani faces Adams and former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who are running as independents, as well as Republican Curtis Sliwa — at this point.

If Mamdani wins, his chancellor would play a key role in one of his signature policy proposals: a free child care program from birth to 5. (The city Education Department oversees most of the existing city-funded child care system.)

Class size bill compliance grows tougher

Under the class size law, 60% of New York City’s classrooms this school year must meet the caps mandated by the state, which range from 20-25 students, depending on the grade.

Many schools have gone on hiring sprees: 750 of the city’s nearly 1,600 schools received money to hire about 3,700 teachers to comply with the law. (That’s on top of the roughly 4,000 to 5,000 teachers hired in a typical year.) The city has spent $450 million this year to meet the mandate, Aviles-Ramos recently said on WNYC.

How will this affect schools? Educators and advocates are hopeful that smaller class sizes will improve instruction as well as teacher morale and classroom management. But training a wave of new teachers might also be a lift. There are also equity concerns, including warnings from experts that high-poverty schools could experience an uptick in teacher turnover as more affluent campuses hire thousands more teachers.

The city also has to start laying the groundwork for the 2026-27 school year, when 80% of classrooms must comply with the mandate — a goal that may be hard to achieve without adding new buildings.

Statewide ‘bell-to-bell’ cellphone ban takes effect

Roughly half of the city’s public schools already have some restrictions on cellphone use, but starting this week, all schools must bar students from using them from bell to bell. The details are up to individual schools as to whether they collect students’ internet-enabled devices (including smart watches, iPads, or other personal devices), have students carry their devices locked in pouches, or mandate students keep their devices in their lockers.

The bell-to-bell ban means students cannot use devices on campus during the school day, including during lunch, in the school yard, or on athletic fields. Students who go off-campus for lunch, however, will be allowed to get their phones — potentially causing some logistical headaches. And there are exemptions for medical conditions, translation needs, and special education. Student caregivers might also be allowed to keep their devices on a case-by-case basis.

The city sent more than $16 million to schools to implement the ban, according to budget documents.

No ban is foolproof: Some kids find ways around the policies, whether storing dummy phones, or buying magnets to unlock the pouches.

While school officials can’t suspend solely for using devices during the school day, they can for repeated refusal to surrender or store phones.

The ongoing toll of immigration enforcement

In May, Dylan Lopez Contreras became the first known New York City public student to be arrested by Immigration Customs and Enforcement, or ICE, since Trump’s second term began. Since then, several schools across the city have already seen students or their parents detained, and sometimes deported, as the Trump administration has ramped up ICE arrests to meet its goal of the “largest deportation program in American history.”

Advocates worry that deportation threats will keep immigrant students home from school or extracurriculars. And immigration is now on the decline: The nation’s foreign-born population fell by 1 million people as of June, marking the first decline since the 1960s, according to the Pew Research Center.

The implications for the school system could be significant. The influx of immigrants over the past few years has propped up New York City’s shrinking enrollment. Declining immigration will not only affect the city’s “international schools,” which exclusively serve newcomers to the country, but will likely affect many other schools across the system that have welcomed migrant students.

Expanding curriculum mandates to upper grades

The Adams administration has made overhauling literacy and math curriculums the centerpiece of its educational agenda.

As all elementary schools start either their second or third year under the reading curriculum mandates, the system continues to expand the approach to older grades as well as requiring intervention programs to specifically support struggling readers.

Roughly 100 middle schools across eight districts this year will be required to use city-approved reading curriculums their superintendents selected.

For math, 84 middle schools in six districts are being added to the mandate. That’s on top of 100 schools that were already part of the mandate. (There are about 530 middle schools in all.)

Students line up for their first day of school at John F. Hylan P.S. 257 Magnet School of the Performing Arts on Sept. 5, 2024.

City officials pointed to rising state tests scores for grades 3-8 as proof of the reading overhaul’s effectiveness. The city’s rosy framing is complicated, however, by other data: Districts in other parts of the state without similar mandates also saw their significant gains. New York City’s charter schools, which also are not part of the curriculum mandate, saw their scores rise even more dramatically than schools run by the city’s Education Department.

Graduation requirements are getting overhauled

As part of the state’s multi-year effort to rethink graduation requirements, education officials are continuing to define what students in the coming years will need to earn their diplomas.

This summer, the Board of Regents approved a new framework, known as the “portrait of a graduate,” to define the general goals for high school graduates as the state phases out Regents exams as a graduation requirement beginning in the 2027-28 school year.

In the future, students will have a variety of ways to show they meet six characteristics — that they are academically prepared, creative innovators, critical thinkers, effective communicators, global citizens, and “reflective and future focused.”

They might, for instance, demonstrate critical thinking skills by participating in debates or research projects, or complete service learning projects to show their commitment to global citizenship.

Educators and families are still awaiting more details on what the new system will look like in practice and how students will be assessed once the Regents exams are no longer required.

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Alex Zimmerman contributed.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael atmelsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Amy Zimmer is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat New York. Contact Amy atazimmer@chalkbeat.org.

Brooklyn middle school students capture top honors in national debate competition

2025-08-28T20:13:01+00:00

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Standing on stage in Des Moines, Iowa, in June at the awards ceremony for the nation’s largest middle school debate tournament, 14-year-old Erick Williams was shocked to hear the announcement coming from the podium.

He turned to his partner, Anedwin Moran, to make sure he hadn’t heard wrong. The two eighth graders from M.S. 50 in Williamsburg, Brooklyn, were national champions.

It was the capstone of a remarkable debate journey for Williams, Moran, and M.S. 50, which has a student poverty rate of nearly 90% and a decade ago was on the list of the most troubled schools in the city and at risk of closure. Since then, Principal Ben Honoroff has embraced debate as a way to transform the school’s academic outcomes and reputation. M.S. 50’s debate program has captured multiple citywide titles, inspired local elementary schools in the area to launch their own programs, and brought the first-ever Spanish language debaters to the National Speech and Debate Association’s annual tournament.

But a title at the nation’s most prestigious middle school debate tournament had eluded M.S. 50 — until this year.

For Honoroff, it was validation not just of the hard work and talent of the kids and staff but also of the unique way the school approaches debate.

“It’s a victory for the way we are interpreting policy debate: as a way of having kids be critical about the resolution and invoke their own lived experience,” he said.

In the world of competitive policy debate, students spend long hours outside school poring through dense academic material to craft arguments they often try to cram into tight time limits by speed-talking. The format has historically favored private and affluent public schools with the resources to hire multiple coaches and send students to tutors and debate camps, said Honoroff, a longtime coach.

At M.S. 50, staffers believe students make the best arguments when they believe what they’re saying — and when it draws on their life experience.

“While we might be way behind our competitors in terms of resources … what we have more than them often is lived experiences around issues of equity and justice,” Honoroff said. “When we can teach our kids to leverage that, then they become really powerful debaters.”

That was on display at this year’s competition, where teams had to make a case for or against the resolution that the federal government should increase intellectual property protections. M.S. 50 decided to center its argument on graffiti, a subject many of the students knew first-hand living in neighborhoods like Bushwick, Bedford-Stuyvesant, and Williamsburg.

They argued that local graffiti artists, who, like the M.S. 50 students, are mostly Black and Latino, are often unfairly targeted by law enforcement, even while their more famous counterparts, like the artist “Banksy,” are celebrated and their work can increase property values in gentrifying areas.

For eighth grader Coco Suzuki, it was an easy argument to make. She personally knows graffiti artists who “have suffered from their art.”

“If it [the argument] has a connection to your life,” said Pryce Sanders, another member of the debate team, “everything just flows better.”

Debate helps a school turn the page

At M.S. 50, debate is woven into almost every aspect of the school.

Every teacher gets training about how to bring “evidence-based argumentation” into their classes. On top of that, about 120 of the school’s nearly 400 students, roughly a third, enroll in a designated debate elective, where they get a mix of reading support and practice debating in public — along with the chance to compete in local tournaments. A select group of eight students meets outside of school and travels to tournaments across the country.

Honoroff credits the focus on debate with helping boost the school’s academic achievement and shoring up declining enrollment, which dipped to a low of under 200 students in 2015.

“If they’re in debate, they’re working on their reading, their writing, their speaking, their listening, their teamwork, their activism,” he said. “We know that they’ll be reading more on one Saturday at a debate tournament than they probably read the whole week.”

The activity can be especially beneficial for students who are behind grade level in reading or who are still learning English, a group that makes up about 16% of the school, Honoroff said.

But he knew English language learners were still at a massive disadvantage in competitive tournaments. That’s why M.S. 50 pushed for permission to allow some debaters to compete in Spanish at the national debate tournament — the first time that had happened in the tournament’s nearly 100-year history. M.S. 50 pays for its own interpreters, who translate both the oral arguments and written documents between Spanish and English.

This year, two of the eight members of M.S. 50’s national debate tournament team were Spanish-speaking immigrants who arrived in the country last school year. One of them, Arceny Reynoso, who came from the Dominican Republic, won a speaking award.

“I didn’t expect this prize,” she said in Spanish. At first, she suffered debilitating tremors and shivers when she got up to speak. But this year, judges were impressed by her confidence and forcefulness, said her partner, Briana Paz.

As M.S. 50’s debate program has grown in size and stature, the effects have rippled outward.

Several elementary schools in the area have now launched their own debate programs. Students like Williams and Sanders have been debating since they were in third grade and sought out M.S. 50 specifically for its debate program.

Overcoming obstacles to claim a top prize

For M.S. 50, competing on the national stage has meant directly confronting some of the inequities they highlight in their arguments.

Despite some recent progress in diversifying the ranks of the national debate competition, M.S. 50 students said they still were often among the only Black or Latino students in a given room. The students were also acutely aware of coming from a high-poverty urban school — often having to explain concepts that weren’t familiar to debaters from other backgrounds.

“We have arguments that relate to some of the struggles that people in New York, which is a very diverse place, would struggle with,” said Suzuki. “Having to explain that” to teams from more homogenous places “was a bit heavy.”

At times, M.S. 50 students noticed disapproving glances from other teams when they opted for more comfortable attire over formal wear. Some teams also raised objections to the Spanish-language debaters, arguing the format gives M.S. 50 an unfair advantage. And their opponents have sometimes made arguments that disturbed the M.S. 50 students — like when a team referred to undocumented immigrants as “illegals” and when another argued that colonization had helped the world.

For M.S. 50 debate coach Miana Vega, a paraprofessional and former nationally competitive policy debater, helping her students navigate those difficult moments is just as important a part of the job as helping them polish their arguments.

“For me, specifically, that’s why I do what I do,” Vega said. “Policy debate prepares students to deal with real-life situations, realities that are often difficult to talk about.”

To help the students process the feelings that come up in those moments, Vega encourages them to write poetry. And it’s that kind of learning, more than any of the awards, that Vega and Honoroff say they’re proudest of.

“The reason that we do debate is not because of those victories and those trophies,” Honorff said. “It is to teach our students to learn how to use their voices to be leaders for peace and justice in the world.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Thousands of new NYC teachers set to begin amid class size hiring push

2025-08-26T23:03:44+00:00

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Thousands of new teachers filed into Brooklyn’s Barclays Center for orientation Tuesday as part of what New York City officials hope will be a historically large hiring class.

In a typical year, the nation’s largest school district faces the daunting challenge of hiring between 4,000 and 5,000 new educators to replace the ones who left. This year, officials aim to hire 3,700 on top of that to satisfy the state’s class size reduction law. Some 750 schools received additional money from the city for the coming year to hire extra teachers to bring more classes under the state caps, which range from 20 to 25 students depending on age.

City officials weren’t immediately able to provide preliminary hiring numbers Tuesday, but Patrick Fagan, the Education Department’s Chief Talent Officer, said between 3,500 and 4,000 teachers were in attendance Tuesday. Teacher recruitment usually continues through September. United Federation of Teachers President Michael Mulgrew, a key backer of the class size law, said he’s optimistic that when school starts next Thursday, the city will be in good shape to reach its legal obligation of keeping 60% of classes under the designated caps.

“We clearly have a challenge, but you can see today we’re at the Barclays Center, and it’s packed,” he said. Mulgrew said the union and the Education Department have been reaching out to local colleges and education schools.

The last time Mulgrew remembers such an intense hiring push was when the city needed a glut of new early childhood educators at the start of former Mayor Bill de Blasio’s Universal Pre-K initiative about a decade ago, he said.

The class size law wasn’t the only big state policy that loomed large at Tuesday’s welcome event. A new statewide school cellphone ban, which prohibits students from using personal electronic devices during the school day, takes effect this school year. Hundreds of city schools already had a ban in place, but hundreds more will be adopting one for the first time.

“This will literally be your first classroom management challenge,” Mulgrew told the new teachers in his remarks. “Your first day, all of you will hear from your students: ‘Why can’t I have my cellphone?’”

Schools are supposed to have plans in place to help teachers deal with students unwilling to give up their phones, Mulgrew noted. And he said the payoff in terms of increased focus in class will be well worth any early bumps.

Schools Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos, who took the helm last October, told the new teachers she was focused on keeping the system stable by continuing the reforms initiated by her predecessor, David Banks. (Aviles-Ramos may be replaced midway through this school year if Mayor Eric Adams loses November’s general election.)

In particular, she touted the city’s efforts to overhaul literacy and math curriculum, which are set to expand this year. Aviles-Ramos framed the effort to standardize curriculum as a time-saver that allows teachers to focus on delivering rather than crafting their lessons.

“You are not yet trained curriculum designers,” she said. “You are hired to teach, to assess, and to support your children … We are giving you blueprints to do just that.”

This year, the Education Department doubled the size of its cohort of New York City Teaching Fellows, an expedited pathway into the profession that allows new teachers to earn their certification while in the classroom and has historically attracted a more diverse pool of candidates. But severe payment delays meant some fellows didn’t receive their stipends until this month, while others are still waiting.

The city has also been making strides in diversifying its pool of educators, though the teaching force still doesn’t mirror student demographics.

For some teachers, seeing all of their new colleagues gathered together Tuesday was an exciting reminder of the work ahead.

A first year teacher named Rafael, who declined to share his last name, was excited to start his career as a music technology teacher at an elementary school in the South Bronx — the neighborhood where he grew up.

“It’s really fun to give back to the neighborhood that gives so much to music,” he said. “This is probably the best thing that’s happened to me in a long time, getting a job I’m really going to love.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

As Trump’s deportation campaign grows, a Bronx school and undocumented teen face tough choices

2025-08-14T10:30:00+00:00

This is part two of a two-part series. Read the first story here.

Fifty students stood in front of the White House, with its manicured lawn and billowing American flag. They hailed from countries like Ecuador, Nicaragua, Senegal, and Mali. They spoke Spanish, French, Pulaar, and English. Some wore hijabs.

Like other tourists on that April day, the students on a field trip with their Bronx high school posed for a group photo.

Several asked if President Donald Trump was inside. One had told an English teacher before the trip that he wanted to ask Trump why he was so anti-immigrant. Others joked, “Trump is gonna get you,” not knowing the president’s mass deportation campaign would soon sweep up one of their classmates.

Students from ELLIS look at the Capitol on a tour of Washington, D.C., on April 30, 2025.

In the months since Trump took office, Norma Vega, the principal of ELLIS Preparatory Academy, had vowed to stick to the same practices that for years had helped her school lift immigrant students into college and out of poverty — even as fears grew. That meant forging ahead with the trip to Washington, D.C., an ELLIS tradition that strengthened first-year students’ connection to the school and exposed them to U.S. history outside the classroom.

“We can’t function out of fear,” Vega said before the trip. “We just can’t.”

The trip was particularly meaningful for 18-year-old Bridget, an undocumented first-year ELLIS student from Ecuador who almost stayed behind because her mom, Marta, was scared of spending two days apart. She marveled at the size and beauty of the White House and the clean streets and white limestone architecture of the city. The free night in a Holiday Inn Express and hotel breakfast the next day felt like an escape from the hardship and fear that marked her life in New York City.

“It’s very beautiful. It’s like a vacation,” she said in Spanish.

But for both students and staff, the glow of the trip was short-lived. Three weeks after they returned, their classmate, Dylan Lopez Contreras, was detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE.

Dylan’s arrest marked an aggressive new phase of immigration enforcement and a turning point for ELLIS. Federal policy reached into the school as never before, threatening ELLIS’ ability to recruit new students, retain its current ones, and send its graduates to college. Even as Vega and other ELLIS staffers clung to the approach that had long made the school successful, they began to fear their model of education may not survive the Trump administration.

Nowhere was the challenge facing ELLIS more apparent than in the school’s attempts to keep Bridget on track.

Bridget gazes at the Lincoln Memorial on a field trip to Washington, D.C., in April 2025.

Bridget had several key ingredients for success at ELLIS: a deep relationship with staffers like counselor Hedin Bernard, a firm grasp on math and English, and a yearning to make it to college.

But despite her strong foundation, Bridget was drifting from school. As her fears grew and her mental health deteriorated in the wake of the Washington trip, Bridget’s grades slipped and her attendance faltered. She began seriously considering the prospect of going back to Ecuador. Even her eldest sister in their home city of Guayaquil — the one who initially encouraged her to come to the U.S. — had seen the news about Dylan. She urged Bridget and Marta to return.

ELLIS stepped up its support in response. Bernard connected Bridget with a therapist, helped her apply for housing, referred her to a lawyer to help with a court hearing coming up in late June and an ICE check-in a month later, and enrolled her in July classes to keep her engaged after the school year ended. But as a pivotal summer approached, he wasn’t sure it would be enough.

His work with Bridget felt like being caught in a riptide. “You can see the shore,” he said. But “you can’t move anywhere.”

Bridget and ELLIS Prep wrestle with doubts after Dylan’s arrest

When Bridget learned about Dylan’s arrest, she couldn’t stop picturing him in an orange jumpsuit with cuffs around his hands and feet. That was the uniform Bridget’s eldest sister had worn when she was detained by U.S. border agents a year earlier.

Bridget decided not to tell Marta that the lanky, purple-haired Venezuelan who’d made a point to shake her hand on a visit to ELLIS earlier that year was now in ICE detention.

“She would be very scared that they could deport us at any moment,” said Bridget, who, like her mother, asked to use a pseudonym, fearing immigration enforcement.

Bridget stands for a portrait in Madison Square Park in the Manhattan borough of New York City.

Bridget had tried for months to keep her own growing deportation fears at bay and stay strong for her mom. But after Dylan’s arrest, that grew harder. She started watching more TikTok videos about immigration raids and didn’t leave her midtown Manhattan shelter except for her trips to school and back.

ICE agents, facing pressure to meet stringent arrest quotas, had begun detaining immigrants after routine court dates and ICE check-ins, leading to a surge in arrests. Federal agents arrested roughly seven times as many immigrants in New York City during the first part of June compared to the same period last year. Nearly three-quarters of those arrests were of people who, like Dylan, had no criminal convictions or charges.

Bridget wasn’t the only one struggling to process the news about Dylan and the surge in immigration enforcement.

Students filled Bernard’s office to talk through questions about their immigration cases, and the stress crept into his home life. His own middle-school-aged children knew the details of Dylan’s case, and he often had to excuse himself from time with his family to take phone calls.

Dylan Lopez Contreras and his mother, Raiza.

But the stakes felt too high to dial back his work. Normally, in the final month of school, students were worried about moving to the next grade or graduating. This year, he said they wondered: “Is a masked person going to grab me off the street?”

Vega mapped out the school’s response to Dylan’s arrest from her cavernous office adorned with student artwork and overlooking the school’s football field and the Harlem River.

As ICE shuttled Dylan from New Jersey, to Texas, to Louisiana, making it impossible for his lawyers to contact him, Vega grew angry.

“This situation makes it really, really real,” she told a room full of mostly quiet staffers during a meeting in a science classroom. “One of our kids was taken.”

The school helped launch a fundraiser that collected $43,000 for Dylan’s family, organized a schoolwide letter-writing campaign, and redoubled its efforts to connect students with lawyers.

As Dylan’s arrest sparked national headlines and local protests, even Mayor Eric Adams voiced his support, despite initially refraining from weighing in. The city’s Law Department filed a friend of the court brief in Dylan’s legal case, arguing ICE’s tactics would prevent undocumented New Yorkers from using city services.

In the days after Dylan’s arrest, Vega never wavered from the refrain she’d repeated since Trump took office in January.

“There’s nothing — nothing — that we are to say, or behave, that’s going to send a message other than: ‘You are going to college. You are going to graduate and have a future,’” she said at the staff meeting. “Our kids need to have a hope.”

Principal Norma Vega participates in a virtual meeting in her office at ELLIS in the Bronx.

In the weeks to come, though, Vega wrestled privately with her own doubts about whether the playbook she’d long relied on still worked. Many of her students went to private colleges in upstate New York because those schools had a relationship with ELLIS and offered significant scholarships. But ELLIS students were often among the few immigrants in their classes. Would that make them bigger targets for immigration enforcement?

And the Trump administration was trying to make it harder for undocumented students to access college at all. Trump issued an executive order seeking to curtail undocumented students’ access to in-state tuition at public colleges, a key benefit that allows some ELLIS students to pursue higher education.

Vega had always believed that a college education was the “great equalizer” for ELLIS students. “I feel like that comes into question right now,” Vega said in June. “Is it?”

Housing uncertainty and hardship lead to tough choices for an undocumented teen

On a Friday morning in late May, a week after Dylan’s arrest, Bernard got a call he’d been waiting weeks for. With Bridget and Marta’s permission, he had applied on Bridget’s behalf to a shelter for unaccompanied youth that could provide long-term housing along with extra support.

He knew stability was critical for Bridget. She had stayed in family and friends’ spare rooms in recent months and was tired of not having a place to call her own. Some nights, she curled up on the floor while her mom shared a bed with other relatives, sleeping only a few fitful hours.

Shortly after Bernard applied, Bridget and Marta were offered spots in a city-run homeless shelter in midtown Manhattan. It provided free food and privacy, but it was farther from ELLIS.

On the phone, Bernard learned the youth shelter had an open room and needed to hear back by noon that day. But Bridget would have to live apart from Marta.

Hedin Bernard, a school counselor at ELLIS, checks on students in a history class at the Bronx public school.

For Bridget, the youth shelter’s offer was another reminder that her best chance at building a future in this country might require leaving her mom behind. Bridget had also applied, with the help of a lawyer recommended by Bernard, for Special Immigrant Juvenile status, a type of legal protection for youth abandoned or neglected by at least one parent. Bridget knew it was her best chance at legal protection, but it wouldn’t cover Marta.

Sitting in class that morning, Bridget could barely focus. She turned Bernard’s offer over in her head. In her English class, she stared at the pages of an autobiography she’d been working on for weeks.

On a page entitled “important people,” Bridget had written: “First my mom.” Marta had worked hard to make Bridget a “good person” and give her “a good future,” she wrote in neat handwriting.

Bridget turned down the spot in the youth shelter.

“Mama was alone. All she has is me,” she later said.

Whether they stayed in the U.S. or left, Marta and Bridget were going to do it together. Increasingly, they thought about returning to Ecuador.

Bridget missed her eldest sister, the smell of Ecuadorian street food, like caramelized apples, and sitting outside her house with her family, sipping on soda or juice as children played nearby.

On a warm morning in mid-June, as Bernard prepared for a meeting with parents to share legal resources, he got a WhatsApp message from Bridget that stopped him in his tracks.

“Mr Hedin good morning my mom is very frightened with everything and so am I,” she began. “To tell the truth I don’t feel good about all of this and we haven’t left the shelter at all, I know things are going to get worse and I think it would be best to go back to Ecuador.”

She asked if he knew how “voluntary removal” worked. For months, the Trump administration had been offering to pay for the flights of immigrants who agreed to “self-deport.” But few ELLIS families knew the details of the offer, or trusted the Trump administration enough to take them up on it, Bernard said.

Bernard quickly sent Bridget a voice memo asking her not to “make any decisions before talking to me.”

When they met in person the next day, Bernard urged her to stay in school while her legal case played out. Her court hearing was in a few weeks, on June 25, and the ICE check-in was about a month later.

Bridget hugs her counselor, Hedin Bernard, at ELLIS. She often seeks him out when she is overwhelmed by stress.

He encouraged her to come to July classes to keep up her connection with ELLIS and prepare for the English Language Arts Regents exam next year. The school had placed her in an advanced English course starting in the fall.

Bridget reluctantly agreed. She still wanted to leave, but it was logistically complicated. She and Marta didn’t have the money for plane tickets, which would cost upwards of $1,000. It would also take time to arrange travel.

And anyway, Bridget had started helping Marta collect bottles and occasionally clean apartments. Even though their daily earnings were meager, it was far more than they could make in Ecuador.

Bernard had bought some time, but he wasn’t sure how much.

ELLIS’ mission put to the test under Trump’s policies

As ELLIS’ staffers entered the summer, they faced two challenges: keeping up a connection with current students and figuring out how the school would need to adapt over the year ahead.

ELLIS expanded its summer school last year to keep students engaged and on track to graduate. But the accelerating mass deportation campaign had made that more difficult, and it showed no signs of abating.

ELLIS, a public school for newly arrived immigrants, shares the John F. Kennedy High School campus in the Bronx.

At the start of the summer, Congress approved a spending bill that set aside an unprecedented $170 billion for immigration enforcement. When an undocumented migrant shot a border agent in a Manhattan park just across the river from ELLIS, Border Czar Tom Homan promised to “flood the zone” with ICE agents, and Attorney General Pam Bondi sued the city over its “sanctuary” policies limiting local law enforcement’s cooperation with ICE.

On the last day of the school year, Bernard got a call from another first-year student and friend of Bridget’s: Her mom had been detained by ICE. The girl was devastated. With the arrest, she’d also lost the primary source of child care for her own toddler and the household’s main wage earner. She told the school she wouldn’t be able to make it to summer school.

Vega offered to take care of the student’s son in the principal’s office while she attended class. But the student never took her up on it, opting to work instead.

ELLIS has always had students balancing work and school. But some staffers saw the pressure to work growing — and starting earlier than usual — as deportation fears mounted.

“They feel the urgency to make money now,” said Maciel Lantigua, an ELLIS alumna and social worker for the Mission Society, a nonprofit that operates out of ELLIS, providing students with extra resources and support. “They don’t have the luxury of that time.”

Vega worried about hanging on to existing students. She was also stressed about recruiting new ones.

Cards informing students of their rights sit on Principal Norma Vega's desk at ELLIS.

As a result of Trump’s policies, the number of immigrants unlawfully crossing the U.S.-Mexico border sank to the lowest point in decades in July. The rate of new migrants entering New York City shelters, meanwhile, had dropped to fewer than 100 per week from a high of more than 4,000 weekly two years earlier.

ELLIS staffers noticed only a handful of new students registering through the end of July, compared with 20-30 over the same period last year.

The slowdown forced Vega to consider whether the 275-student school would need to adjust its policy of only enrolling students over 16 who have been in the country less than a year.

At the same time, the Trump administration ramped up its efforts to cut off undocumented students’ access to public education.

In July, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. announced that undocumented preschoolers would no longer qualify for Head Start, a federally funded free child care program. Older undocumented students lost access to federally funded dual-enrollment, career and technical education, and adult education programs. Later that month, the Department of Education launched a civil rights investigation into universities providing financial aid to undocumented students who arrived as young children in the U.S. and have temporary legal protection, commonly known as Dreamers.

Norma Vega, principal of ELLIS, poses for a portrait.

“The way this second Trump administration is targeting every aspect of life for immigrants makes students’ ability to access education that much harder,” said Alejandra Vázquez Baur, a fellow at the left-leaning Century Foundation and founder of the National Newcomer Network. “For that reason, it might be the most intense attack on immigrant students to date.”

At ELLIS, Vega has been raising money from outside donors for years to help subsidize undocumented students’ college costs. The school raised a record, over $40,000, this year.

And while Vega is committed to keeping students at ELLIS for four years, she knows the school will have to be nimble about developing flexible schedules for students feeling pressure to earn money right away.

She’s hopeful that the tides will eventually turn.

As Americans have started to see the effects of the administration’s aggressive enforcement campaign, the anti-immigrant sentiment that helped propel Trump into office has begun to reverse. The percentage of Americans who support curbing immigration dropped from 55% in July 2024 to just 30% a year later, according to a poll from Gallup.

That’s why Vega is confident that if she can make it through a few years of lean enrollment, the school’s situation will improve.

“The goal is to survive,” she said. “To still be here post-Trump.”

Can Bridget hold on to her education dreams?

Bridget and Marta, who were still terrified of being detained by federal immigration agents, had one stroke of good luck: Their June 25 court hearing was virtual.

In the weeks leading up to the proceeding, the pair found a pro bono lawyer to help them submit applications for asylum and for Bridget’s special juvenile status. The judge scheduled another hearing for 2027 while their claims wound their way through the slow-moving courts.

But they still had their in-person ICE check-in on July 21. Bridget, who had been watching videos about immigration enforcement, knew ICE agents were increasingly using the check-ins to detain migrants.

The night before the appointment, Marta and Bridget barely slept. At the subway station, Marta didn’t have enough money to buy her own one-trip pass and slipped through the turnstile with Bridget when she tapped her student OMNY card — knowing full well that getting caught could have devastating consequences.

On the train, Bridget, wearing a matching set of pink pants and shirt with the logo from the Nickelodeon kids show “Rugrats,” carried the immigration papers in crisp folders and stared ahead.

Dressed in a white and blue floral dress, Marta thumbed the small brown stuffed mouse named Mickey, who had traveled with her from Ecuador, attached by keychain to her fanny pack.

She played the possibilities and questions over in her head. Should she have brought a suitcase with her in case she was deported? Would she be separated from Bridget if they were detained? Would they send her back to Ecuador, or to a country she’d never set foot in?

A couple of weeks earlier, she’d found a stuffed pink rabbit on the street, and she clipped it next to Mickey on her keychain.

“If we get out of this, I’ll give it a name,” she said.

President Donald Trump's photo hangs on the wall at 26 Federal Plaza.

A snaking line wound its way inside to the first checkpoint at 26 Federal Plaza, an imposing steel and glass federal immigration building. On the courthouse wall, looking down on them, was a stern-faced portrait of Trump. Marta leaned her head on Bridget’s shoulder, and Bridget wrapped her arm around her mom.

Bridget and Marta — who still had a shared immigration case because Bridget entered the country as a minor — were referred to a room on the fifth floor for family cases. Five floors above them, dozens of recently detained migrants were being held in a makeshift detention center, forced to use the toilet in public and sleep on the floor with only thin blankets.

Two hours later, Marta and Bridget emerged, wearing faint smiles and clutching paperwork that listed the date of their next ICE check-in: exactly a year later.

Outside the building, with the sun shining, Bridget and Marta made a video call to Bridget’s eldest sister in Ecuador, who had been waiting for news. Marta christened the stuffed rabbit on her fanny pack “Pinky.”

The women were relieved, but they didn’t feel like celebrating. Marta wanted a coffee, but had no money to buy one.

Bridget’s dream of becoming the first person in her family to attend college for the moment felt a little more within reach — at least until her next court date. She still thought often about her friend Dylan, who remains in detention in Western Pennsylvania.

Bridget and her mother, Marta, hold Marta's stuffed animals, a mouse she named Mickey and a rabbit she named Pinky.

ELLIS staffers also hadn’t given up trying to reel Bridget in.

One morning in late July, Lantigua, the social worker, spotted Bridget and Marta near the school with a shopping cart full of cans and bottles. Bridget had for weeks been helping Marta collect them in the punishing heat. Lantigua invited Bridget to go see “Superman,” one of a series of activities she’d organized for students to keep them connected to ELLIS over the summer.

Bridget didn’t go. But Lantigua tried again with a trip on Wednesday to the New York Botanical Garden. She attempted a move that had worked in the past: inviting Bridget and Marta, too.

This time, they both showed up.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

At a Bronx school for immigrants, an undocumented teen fights for an education under Trump

2025-08-13T10:30:00+00:00

This is part one of a two-part series. Read the second story here.

In the hours after one of his students was apprehended by federal immigration agents, Hedin Bernard was on the phone nearly nonstop. He’d comforted the student’s mother. He’d called advocates and lawyers.

And in the moments in between, the school counselor had agonized over how he would tell his other students at ELLIS Preparatory Academy that Dylan Lopez Contreras, a first-year student from Venezuela, had been detained.

He was particularly worried about telling one student.

Bridget, an 18-year-old Ecuadorian immigrant, was a friend of Dylan’s, close enough that he shared arepas with her at lunch. Bernard knew that Bridget and her mother, Marta, were dreading their own upcoming court date and immigration check-in, and word of Dylan’s arrest would get out soon. He wanted Bridget to hear it from him. In her eight months at ELLIS, Bridget had often retreated to his cramped office and sunk into a plush black bean bag whenever her stress became too much to bear.

Hedin Bernard, a founding staff member and school counselor at ELLIS, in his office in May, 2025.

For Bridget and Marta, who asked to use pseudonyms because they fear immigration enforcement, life in New York City as undocumented immigrants had been defined by hardship. They had bounced between three friends’ and relatives’ apartments before landing in a homeless shelter in midtown Manhattan. Marta collected cans, making about $20 a day, and was often unable to afford food.

Their anxiety had increased since President Donald Trump began his second term in January, promising to launch the “largest deportation program in American history.” Fearful that any wrong move could get them detained, separated, or deported, the mother and daughter tried to stick together. Marta even used some of her precious dollars to commute with Bridget to school.

With Dylan’s arrest, Trump’s enforcement campaign had arrived at the school’s doorstep.

Founded in 2008, ELLIS’ mission is based on the belief that all of its students, including undocumented ones, can build a future in the U.S. The Bronx school has pushed hundreds of newly arrived immigrants into college and out of poverty with a playbook staffers have honed for years, relying on strong relationships with students and a sophisticated network of support for families’ needs. For Bridget and Marta, ELLIS often felt like the only public institution with its arms open in a city and country that otherwise seemed not to want them.

“They’ve given her a lot of hope,” Marta said in Spanish. “It’s the reason we don’t want to leave.”

ELLIS is one of seven schools that share the John F. Kennedy High School campus in the Spuyten Duyvil section of the Bronx.

But over the last seven months, ELLIS educators have been forced to confront a fundamental question: Could the school continue to help its students work toward a life in this country when the federal government was sending the message that many of them weren’t welcome here?

Bernard stood in his office with Bridget that Thursday afternoon in late May, explaining how plainclothes agents had seized Dylan. He watched her smile fade.

He knew the arrest was stirring up painful memories from Bridget’s own immigration journey.

Bernard had helped Bridget find free food and clothes, navigate the city’s complex shelter system, and access legal advice. He had celebrated with her when she’d passed the Algebra I Regents exam required for graduation. He had seen her face light up talking about plans to attend college and become a veterinarian.

But now, Bridget just wanted to know if her friend was OK. And Bernard didn’t know what to tell her.

Starting high school, again

In Guayaquil, Ecuador, Bridget had been a strong student, just one year away from finishing high school. But gangs had become so prevalent in her neighborhood that she no longer felt safe walking home from night classes.

Bridget’s oldest sister, now 38, came up with the idea of immigrating to the U.S. so Bridget could continue her education.

Bridget poses for a portrait in Manhattan. She left Ecuador in search of a better education.

Bridget, who loves Korean pop music and animals, was devastated to part with her dog, Molli, a small white Pekingese, but excited for what the future held. Marta, anxious by nature, worried most about the trip, but agreed to go for Bridget’s sake.

“It’s not going to be my fault that her dream dies,” Marta decided.

The women had one advantage: Marta’s middle daughter, who left Ecuador six years earlier at age 19, had an apartment in the Bronx with her husband and two kids, giving the rest of the family a roadmap and a place to stay.

But the journey quickly veered off course. They got stuck for about a month in Mexico, losing almost all of their belongings. They arrived in the U.S. in April 2024 with just the clothes on their backs and a few prized possessions: a Bible, a hymnal, and a light brown stuffed mouse named Mickey who remains attached to Marta’s fanny pack.

As soon as they crossed into Texas, the women were detained by U.S. Customs and Border Protection and separated. As Bridget was a minor, she and Marta were released with plane tickets to New York. Her eldest sister was imprisoned by border agents for a month before being deported to Ecuador.

Bridget and Marta have clung to each other ever since.

Marta shows off "Mickey," one of her only possessions that survived the journey to the U.S.

In New York City, Bridget and Marta moved in with Bridget’s middle sister. Sharing a small apartment with her family of four wore on everyone. Marta struggled to find work. Then at their first check-in with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, officials encouraged Bridget to enroll in school.

Bridget got a list of four public schools from an Education Department enrollment center, but three rejected her, saying they didn’t have space and didn’t accept older students.

Last on the list was English Language Learners and International Support Preparatory Academy, or ELLIS, a nod to the famous New York City island through which millions of immigrants have passed. That’s where Bridget started classes in September 2024.

She was part of a historic wave of roughly 50,000 migrants who have enrolled in New York City schools starting in summer 2022, according to the city’s estimates — a pattern echoed across the country as cities like Denver, Chicago, and Los Angeles absorbed thousands of families fleeing Latin America, Africa, and other parts of the world.

Bridget (right) and an ELLIS classmate work on an assignment for history class. ELLIS is one of the few NYC schools geared toward older newcomers.

The influx has posed new challenges, as schools scrambled to hire bilingual staff, add counselors and social workers to help students struggling with trauma from their journeys, and assist older students seeking to graduate quickly. But the new students have also been a boon for school districts previously losing students and funding. In New York City, former schools Chancellor David Banks described the migrant influx as a “godsend,” saying they staved off potential school mergers or closures.

ELLIS, a small school with 275 students, is one of only a handful in the city explicitly designed to enroll older, newly arrived students, who face a steep climb to graduation. At a meeting with the guidance team early in the school year, Norma Vega, ELLIS’ founding principal, told staffers: “Our 67% graduation rate is someone else’s 98%. The amount of work everyone does to get each kid to the finish line is beyond comparison.”

Unlike other schools, ELLIS requires all new students, regardless of age or how much high school they’ve completed in their home country, to enter as first-year students. The model ensures that students leave school with the English fluency and familiarity with the American education system they need to succeed in college and beyond.

Starting high school again made Bridget nervous: Her only knowledge of American high schools came from movies. She worried about speaking English and making friends. But she was also hopeful. She and her mother had traveled nearly 3,000 miles for this chance.

ELLIS Prep braces as Trump takes office

What Bridget and her mother hadn’t counted on was arriving in the U.S. at a moment when a growing number of Americans saw illegal immigration as a critical problem. A July 2024 poll found that 55% of Americans said they wanted to curb immigration — the first time since 2009 that a majority of the country expressed that view.

In the run-up to the presidential election, Trump focused his campaign on immigration, though he promised to target his deportation efforts on violent and dangerous criminals that most Americans agreed should be expelled from the country.

An ELLIS student works on an assignment in the hallway. Most of the school's students hail from Latin America or Africa.

Even some ELLIS students offered support for Trump’s immigration platform in class discussions, a history teacher said.

Some conservatives questioned, too, whether the country should continue to educate undocumented students, a practice codified in the 1982 U.S. Supreme Court case, Plyler v. Doe. Critics, including the authors of the influential Project 2025 domestic policy blueprint, argued that the recent influx of migrants put an unsustainable strain on public schools, to the detriment of U.S.-born students.

School systems don’t track the immigration status of students, making it difficult to know how many undocumented students have enrolled in public schools. But an estimated 850,000 undocumented children are living in the U.S., according to Pew Research Center. Another estimated 4.4 million U.S.-born children have at least one parent who is undocumented — an umbrella term describing migrants without a valid visa or legal residence.

After Trump’s win in the 2024 election, Bernard, the school counselor, noticed an uneasy quiet fall over the school.

A founding ELLIS staff member with a dry sense of humor and encyclopedic knowledge of history and geography, Bernard kept a fourth-floor office that was seldom empty, with visitors ranging from a teen caught vaping marijuana outside to a colleague looking to vent.

Counselor Hedin Bernard has been at ELLIS since the school launched in 2008.

Bernard had lived his own version of the immigrant success story. His parents came from the Dominican Republic and ran a grocery store on Manhattan’s Lower East Side so they could afford Catholic school. He wanted to give his students that same support, and he often served as a kind of stand-in family member for students who’d left their homes and loved ones thousands of miles away.

In the days after the November election, Bernard expected a queue of students with questions and concerns. But few students wanted to talk about the new administration. It felt like everyone was just “waiting for the other shoe to drop,” he said.

That happened the week of Jan. 21, after Trump delivered a fiery inauguration address vowing to “begin the process of returning millions and millions of criminal aliens back to the places from which they came.” The next day, Trump rescinded longstanding guidance prohibiting ICE from carrying out immigration raids at or near schools.

Absences at ELLIS skyrocketed, like they did across the city. Bernard and other counselors tried to reach families by phone and WhatsApp to assure them it was safe to attend. Many students, including Bridget, said they wanted to wait a couple of days.

A week later, Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem posted a video of an ICE raid in the Bronx — one of several in neighborhoods surrounding ELLIS — accompanied by the message: “Getting the dirt bags off the streets in New York City this morning.”

ELLIS students saw videos of ICE on social media and heard rumors of immigration agents showing up in their neighborhoods. ELLIS staffers posted “Know Your Rights” guidance on bulletin boards in the hallway, and Vega, the principal, went around to classrooms instructing students on what to do if they came into contact with immigration agents.

“They wanted to know: ‘Is someone going to come pick me up?’” said Vega. “The answer in this building is that every student here is going to be protected. The goal is to make sure every student … is aware of their rights. That they’re entitled to be in school.”

Principal Norma Vega, pictured in her office, sought to reassure students they would be safe at school after Trump's inauguration.

Most of the ELLIS students who skipped school quickly returned. But a few — like a senior who missed more than a month of school and only came back after Vega did a home visit — were paralyzed by fear of immigration enforcement.

The threat of deportation had become another obstacle standing between ELLIS students and graduation, one that the staffers faced like any other challenge: with a belief that caring educators can keep students on track. But Trump’s message was proving powerful, too.

Paving a path to college for immigrant students

Midway through the school year, Bridget had come on ELLIS’ radar as a first-year student with unusual maturity and potential who dealt with significant stress outside school.

Bridget had proven a quick study in English and math. Her attendance was excellent, and her grades were almost all As and Bs. Her fluency in English had progressed, and she’d made an impression on friends and educators with her generosity and kindness.

Vega believed Bridget would earn a scholarship to a good college if she made it to graduation.

Bridget works on an assignment for her English class at ELLIS.

In her 17 years leading ELLIS, Vega had developed a kind of radar for the barriers that could keep each student from making it to graduation and college.

The daughter of a tight-knit Puerto Rican family, Vega attended public schools on the Lower East Side until her family was priced out to the Bronx. Before founding ELLIS, she had worked as a social worker and principal of another school for new immigrants, but she was frustrated by the lack of options specifically geared toward older newcomers.

Starting and leading ELLIS had been a labor of love, propelled by the small schools movement under former Mayor Michael Bloomberg.

When it came to Bridget, Vega and Bernard quickly realized Marta’s anxiety about immigration enforcement was taking a toll.

Bernard asked Marta for permission to bring Bridget on an ice skating field trip in Manhattan. Marta refused, too worried about what could happen to Bridget to give her consent. “‘She’s all I have,’” she told Bernard.

The school didn’t give up. In early March, Bernard and Vega invited both Marta and Bridget on a school trip to John Jay College — a CUNY institution with an especially well-developed set of resources for undocumented students.

For Vega, it felt like a turning point in getting both Bridget and Marta to buy into the school’s guiding vision: that a college education and a future in the U.S. are within reach.

“[Marta] started crying when she realized there’s hope,” Vega recalled.

The trip also gave Vega a chance to offer a delicate piece of advice she often shares with fearful parents — one she sensed would be particularly relevant for Marta and Bridget, who were so fiercely attached: If Bridget were to build a life in the U.S., her mother would need to loosen her grip and let her explore.

Staying the course despite rising threats of deportation

On a Friday afternoon in mid-March, Vega was driving her kids to a martial arts tournament, listening to bachata on a music streaming app and trying not to think about work, when she heard an ad that made her jaw drop.

In a Department of Homeland Security ad, Noem said, “President Trump has a clear message to those that are in our country illegally: Leave now.

“If you don’t, we will find you, and we will deport you. You will never return.”

Vega was horrified. She took the app off her phone. But the ad popped up on another platform later that day.

In the months since Trump took office, Vega had done all she could to insulate her school from anti-immigrant political rhetoric. But listening to the ad, it occurred to Vega that if she was having difficulty escaping the fear campaign, it must be even harder for her students and their families.

“What they’re trying to do,” she said, “is scare people into leaving.”

A screenshot of an ad featuring Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem.

Just weeks earlier, she’d learned that a student who stopped coming to school after the presidential inauguration returned to Colombia — the first time Vega knew of that happening in the school’s 17-year history.

The ad, part of a multimillion-dollar campaign playing on radio, TV, and music streaming platforms across the country, was one prong of the administration’s quickly escalating immigration enforcement tactics.

Agents had detained U.S. green card-holders at airports, including a German citizen who had lived in the country for 17 years. The Trump administration had invoked an arcane law, the Alien Enemies Act of 1798, to deport hundreds of migrants to a notorious mega-prison in El Salvador. One of them was a 19-year-old Venezuelan living in the Bronx. He could have been an ELLIS student, Vega thought.

New York City Mayor Eric Adams, meanwhile, had signaled his willingness to cooperate with the enforcement push locally. Trump’s Justice Department succeeded in getting federal corruption charges against Adams dropped, in part, so he could better support the administration’s immigration agenda. After a meeting with Border Czar Tom Homan, Adams vowed to reverse a city policy barring ICE from making arrests on Rikers Island.

The school had several annual field trips approaching, including an overnight trip to Washington, D.C., for first-year students. The trip felt fraught with new risk this year, and some staffers and parents — including Marta — had expressed concerns. But Vega knew how important it was to give her students, all of whom came from low-income households, the same type of rich cultural experiences as students from more affluent families.

Vega believed, too, that going to the nation’s capital, where federal officials crafted the immigration policies shaping the lives of ELLIS students, would send a powerful message that the school would not cow to fear.

“We’re going. We’re going,” Vega said as the school began preparations for the trip to Washington.

A mother and daughter from Ecuador confront their future in NYC

By mid-April, Bridget and Marta were growing increasingly nervous about their upcoming court hearing and ICE check-in. Despite their best efforts, they hadn’t found a lawyer to represent them in front of an immigration judge in June.

But with Bernard’s recommendation, Bridget and Marta visited a Manhattan church that helps connect immigrants to services, securing a phone appointment with a screener for a legal organization.

They took the call at ELLIS in a storage room that Bernard unlocked so Bridget and Marta could have privacy.

The screener explained that winning an asylum claim — the most common path to legal status for Latin American migrants — would be an uphill battle given the high bar to prove they faced a specific fear of violence or persecution in Ecuador.

But there was another possible legal route. The screener suggested that Bridget would be a strong applicant for Special Immigrant Juvenile Status, a type of legal protection available to immigrants under age 21 who had been abandoned or neglected by one or both parents. Bridget told the screener her father had never been a part of her life.

The protection would only apply to Bridget, not Marta.

Marta embraces Bridget in Manhattan's Madison Square Park.

After the screener hung up, the mother and daughter sat quietly for a few moments. Marta began to cry, and Bridget wrapped her arms around her.

“Maybe they’ll let her stay and send me back home,” Marta said, as if thinking out loud, before turning to Bridget. “Don’t help me, help your sisters. Be humble, love your sisters, keep moving forward. Don’t be like me and be nothing, and have to collect bottles.”

Bridget glanced at Mickey, the dirt-encrusted mouse attached to Marta’s fanny pack who’d been with them since they left Ecuador.

She thought about all they’d been through and all of the sacrifices her mother had made to enable her dream of pursuing an education in the U.S. She couldn’t imagine life here without her mom.

Over the days and weeks ahead, Bridget’s resolve to remain in the country began to falter.

It would be up to her school to keep it alive.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Graduation brings hope, fear at a Bronx school touched by immigration politics

2025-06-25T22:59:36+00:00

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Bronx high school Principal Norma Vega stood on stage on a sweltering morning earlier this week surveying the 50 graduating seniors seated in front of her.

Clad in blue and white caps and gowns, many also wore colorful sashes representing the countries they left behind, like the Dominican Republic and Mali, just years earlier, often with little English. Each of these newly minted grads from ELLIS Preparatory Academy, all older than traditional U.S. high schoolers, are now set to enroll in college, a remarkable feat for students who face among the steepest odds of any group to make it to graduation and higher education.

Graduates listen to a speech during the ELLIS Preparatory Academy commencement ceremony at University of Mount Saint Vincent in Riverdale, New York, on Tuesday, June 24, 2025. Two ELLIS Prep graduates with decorated mortarboards. The mortarboard on the left translates to: “Dedicated to my parents.”

But before Vega began handing out diplomas, she took a moment to acknowledge a student who wasn’t there: Dylan Lopez Contreras.

“This isn’t the easiest conversation to have,” she told the crowd of students, family members and staff. “But we do need to have it. And that is that one of our own was taken.”

Dylan, a 20-year-old Venezuelan native, was in his first year at ELLIS when he was detained by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, agents last month after attending a routine court hearing. Dylan was the first known New York City public school student to be detained by ICE during President Donald Trump’s second term and remains in ICE detention in Western Pennsylvania, sparking local protests and galvanizing staff and students at ELLIS to rally for Dylan’s release.

“All of us will make sure that this young man is not forgotten,” Vega said. “The mistake they made when they took him is not realizing that he’s not alone. So I want you to be very much aware that … when you go off to these different places, you are never alone.”

Graduates in the class 2025 walk the stage to receive their diplomas at the ELLIS Preparatory Academy commencement ceremony at University of Mount Saint Vincent in Riverdale, New York, on Tuesday, June 24, 2025. The mortarboard on the left translates to: “The end of this chapter but my story continues. Thanks to God and my grandfather and my parents.”

Graduations have always taken on extra meaning at ELLIS given the towering hurdles many students surmount to make it to the stage — from arriving in a new country, to learning a new language, to navigating homelessness and poverty, to balancing full-time jobs with school.

Citywide, only 55% of public school students learning English graduated within four years last year, compared to 85% of native English speakers, according to city data. And while the college enrollment data isn’t broken out for English learners, only 7% of city high school seniors still learning English met CUNY’s college-ready standards as of 2020, compared to 63% of students proficient in English.

But this year more than any other, the political environment hung over the occasion. Trump’s mass deportation campaign charged the ceremony with uncertainty and urgency, Vega said. It felt unavoidable to address the politics given how closely they’ve affected the school, she added.

Graduation ceremonies at schools across the country serving immigrant students have been similarly marked by the country’s immigration politics. In Los Angeles, where Trump called in the National Guard and Marines to quell widespread protests against immigration enforcement, some families expressed fears that graduation ceremonies could be targeted by ICE. Local leaders promised to post school district police officers outside of graduation ceremonies to protect them from immigration enforcement.

Luis Rodriguez, an ELLIS Prep graduate from the Dominican Republic who won an award for leadership, speaks on stage at the graduation ceremony at University of Mount Saint Vincent in Riverdale, New York, on Tuesday, June 24, 2025.

At ELLIS, staffers had to have more one-on-one conversations with families wary about attending graduation than in years past, explaining the ceremony would be on a private college campus with gates and security guards. Even with those extra conversations, family attendance seemed more sparse this year than in the past, Vega said — though she noted that could also be due to a growing number of students who come to the country unaccompanied and don’t have family members in the U.S. to attend the ceremony.

Vega, who conceived of and founded ELLIS in 2008, has always believed staunchly in the power of vaulting her immigrant students into higher education as a path to help them build lives in this country and escape poverty — and she still believes that. But the past year has tested her and the school in unprecedented ways.

“It feels more dire,” Vega said. “I think about some of our young people now going upstate, and I’m like, ‘Are they gonna get stopped? Are they gonna get more than just stopped?’”

“The idea that going to college … that education is the great equalizer … I feel like that comes into question right now.”

A long road to graduation

When they enrolled at ELLIS four years ago, it was not inevitable that the 50 students gathered in the auditorium in their graduation robes would have earned diplomas — much less acceptance to college, students and staffers said.

Immigrant students who come to the U.S. in high school — especially when they are already 16 or older, as all new students at ELLIS are — often struggle to find a school that will even enroll them because their odds of on-time graduation are so low. State law entitles students to remain in high school through age 21.

ELLIS has developed a system for not only enrolling those students, but often helping them make it to college.

ELLIS Preparatory Academy's graduate Nana Keita poses for a portrait after the commencement ceremony at University of Mount Saint Vincent in Riverdale, New York, on Tuesday, June 24, 2025. Kaeta, a 21-year-old ELLIS Prep graduate from Mali, juggled multiple jobs and a two-hour commute during her time at school. She will attend Niagara University next year.

Vega compares the school’s mission to the inscription on the Statue of Liberty overlooking the school’s namesake, the famous island in New York Harbor that processed more than 12 million immigrants.

“She says, ‘give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses,’” Vega said during the graduation ceremony. “And that is who we are. This school will take on everybody who nobody else wants or wants to be bothered with.”

Nana Kaeta, a 21-year-old graduating ELLIS senior, was one of those students. She arrived in the country at 17 from Mali on her own. In her four years at ELLIS, she has bounced between different living situations in multiple boroughs, commuting up to two hours each way to get to school. She held down two jobs at once while in school to earn income.

“At the beginning, I was thinking I wasn’t gonna make it, and I wasn’t going to college,” Kaeta said. “But my principal and all the staff talked to me, and I was not believing in myself but they believed in me.”

Kaeta plans to attend Niagara University in upstate New York next year on a full scholarship.

A student wears a sash decorated with both the U.S. and Mexican flags at the Ellis Preparatory Academy commencement ceremony at University of Mount Saint Vincent in Riverdale, New York. Yunuen Bonaparte for Chalkbeat

ELLIS Principal Norma Vega acknowledges Dylan Lopez Contreras, an ELLIS student detained by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Yunuen Bonaparte for Chalkbeat

Students gather outside the ELLIS Prep graduation ceremony for the class of 2025 on a sweltering June day in the Bronx. Yunuen Bonaparte for Chalkbeat

Parents and friends in the audience record graduates as they receive their diplomas at the ELLIS Preparatory Academy commencement ceremony at University of Mount Saint Vincent in Riverdale, New York. Yunuen Bonaparte for Chalkbeat

Graduates in the class 2025 walk the stage to receive their diplomas at the ELLIS Preparatory Academy commencement ceremony. Yunuen Bonaparte for Chalkbeat

College counselor Jackie Peña develops relationships with colleges that understand the backgrounds and needs of ELLIS students. The school’s robust fundraising program brought in over $40,000 this year for students whose immigration status makes them ineligible for federal financial aid. And a network of alumni and volunteers continues to keep tabs on ELLIS graduates once they’re in college, even visiting them on campus to help them stay on track.

Even amid the fear and uncertainty from the political climate, ELLIS graduates said they’re determined to forge ahead.

All graduating seniors face the future with trepidation and excitement. But the feeling is mixed with sadness and fear for seniors like Kai Almonte, a 20-year-old ELLIS graduate from the Dominican Republic who expects to attend LeMoyne College in the fall. He’s able to go to the Syracuse school with the support of the $10,000 Yankees Stonewall scholarship, awarded to one student from each borough who shows leadership in the LGBTQ+ community.

“It’s a little bit scary,” Almonte said, “when you don’t know the future when you’re an immigrant.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Low turnout, a shakeup in District 2, and more: what to know about NYC parent council elections

2025-06-16T23:43:32+00:00

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A polarizing local advocacy group lost ground in a closely watched Manhattan parent council race following a backlash over an effort to curb transgender sports access, according to election results released Monday.

Parent Leaders for Accelerated Curriculum and Education, or PLACE, endorsed seven of the members currently serving on the Community Education Council in District 2, which passed a controversial resolution last year urging the city to review its policy allowing transgender girls to join girls teams. (PLACE-backed candidates accounted for seven of eight “yes” votes on the transgender sports resolution.)

The resolution spurred an energetic movement to oust PLACE-backed council members that inspired similar opposition in other parts of the city. A total of 1,348 parents ran for the elections this year — an increase of 24% over the last election in 2023.

In District 2, the anti-PLACE organizing showed signs of success. Only three of the newly elected members were endorsed by PLACE, compared to seven last election. Maud Maron, a former PLACE president and co-founder who played a key role in the transgender sports resolution, did not get reelected.

In other districts, however, PLACE, which maintains it is focused on rigorous academics and does not want to get involved in national politics, endorsed almost all of the winning candidates, keeping a major presence citywide.

The increased engagement in District 2 and some other parts of the city didn’t make a dent in the abysmal voter turnout rates.

After a bumpy election process, participation in this year’s races dipped to its lowest level since all public school parents became eligible to vote in 2021 (PTA leaders previously decided the races).

Only 18,158 households voted in the elections this year — a participation rate of 2%. About 19,000 caregivers cast ballots in 2023 and 22,000 did so in 2021.

Every two years, parents across the city vote for representatives on Community Education Councils, which serve as a conduit between parent leaders and policymakers but have little formal power outside of approving school zones. There are 32 local councils across the city and four citywide councils representing English language learners, students with disabilities, and high school families.

Alina Lewis, a newly minted council member in Brooklyn’s District 20, said the low turnout citywide “serves to reinforce the entire lack of power and meaninglessness of the CEC structure itself, which is connected to the whole issue of mayoral control,” she said, referring to the mayor’s authority over the Education Department. “These bodies need to have real power and real teeth.”

Here are four takeaways from this year’s council races, including a Chalkbeat analysis of how the groups who endorsed candidates this year fared.

PLACE loses ground in District 2 after transgender rights backlash

No race in the city was more closely watched than that of District 2, the largest in the city. It spans most of lower and midtown Manhattan through the Upper East side.

The district’s CEC has become a national lightning rod in the wake of the transgender sports resolution, which was sharply rebuked by the city Education Department.

Maron has also spoken multiple times at events for the conservative national parent group Moms for Liberty, a move that sparked protests in deep blue Manhattan. In a surprise move and a sign of the mounting backlash, PLACE, the organization Maron helped put on the map, declined to endorse her for this election, citing a desire to move beyond distractions bogging down the council. Maron did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Three PLACE-backed candidates, including current CEC 2 president and PLACE leader Craig Slutzkin, were reelected. Slutzkin got the highest vote total in the city with 687.

Both of the grassroots groups pushing to unseat PLACE members celebrated the results.

“We are thrilled that Maud has lost her seat and that PLACE candidates have limited representation on D2 going forward,” said a representative of the group Families for Change NYC in a statement. The group was one of several that cropped up this year to oppose PLACE-backed candidates. The group has not revealed the names of its members because of fear of harassment.

Megan Madison, a children’s book author who helped spearhead a loose coalition called Aunties and Friends 4 Liberation that began organizing around the council election following the transgender sports resolution, called it a “wonderful day.”

“We’ve proven that we can effectively fight the far-right by engaging everyday people in hyper-local politics,” she said.

Slutzkin, who emphasized that he has no affiliation with Moms for Liberty or President Donald Trump and has criticized the tactics of PLACE opponents, said in a statement that his reelection is a “reflection of parents’ desire for rigorous, quality education for all kids.”

PLACE-backed candidates pushed for the return of admission screens in district middle schools following the pandemic and are now pushing for accelerated math in more middle schools.

Culture war backlash spread beyond District 2

Backlash to efforts to curb transgender protections in District 2 also made its way into other council races. In Queens’ District 30, a group called “D30 Parents Protecting Trans Children” organized to endorse a slate of candidates.

In Brooklyn’s District 15, one of the top vote-getters campaigned explicitly on her experience as the parent of a transgender student who moved from Florida for a more welcoming environment. D15 Parents for Middle School Equity, a long-running group, endorsed candidates citywide for the second time, with 90 of its candidates winning seats, a Chalkbeat analysis found. That represents about 26% of all elected council seats.

Anger over the situation in District 2 — and heightened fears about threats from Trump — also motivated Alliance for Quality Education, or AQE, a well-known progressive advocacy group, to endorse for the first time. AQE-backed candidates won 89 seats, according to a Chalkbeat analysis. Candidates endorsed by AQE, D15 Parents for Middle School Equity, and NYC Families for Change NYC had significant overlap.

“We’re really excited about the results,” said Smitha Varghese, AQE’s senior New York City campaign strategist. “Parents knew that our schools are more vulnerable than ever and stepped up to lead in this moment of chaos.”

Families for Change NYC, the District 2 group which endorsed across the city, had 104 of its chosen candidates elected.

PLACE maintains strongholds

Despite the vocal backlash to some PLACE-supported candidates and the emergence of new advocacy groups, PLACE didn’t lose much of its footprint.

PLACE-backed candidates won 112 seats citywide (the group also endorsed over 200, the highest of any of the groups that endorsed CEC candidates). That represents about 33% of all elected council seats — down from about 37% last election cycle, according to a Chalkbeat analysis.

In districts in northeast Queens and southern Brooklyn, PLACE-supported candidates won almost every seat.

“We’re really happy,” said PLACE president Yiatin Chu.

She said the endorsement process involved parent volunteers combing through candidate bios and watching online forums to see which ones spoke about issues important to PLACE. The group launched to protect selective admissions criteria, and Chu said it’s now focused on “fundamental” issues including reading proficiency and chronic absenteeism.

Election snafus fuel criticism of family engagement office

Despite deep divides between parent groups about education policy, there is widespread agreement that the Education Department mismanaged the election.

Just hours after the election began, officials shut down the online voting system for several hours to fix “technical issues.” Things only worsened from there.

A candidate in Manhattan’s District 1 was left off the ballot entirely, a mistake that was corrected a week after voting began. The department’s office of Family and Community Engagement, known as FACE, told families who already voted that they would have to recast their ballots. A department spokesperson didn’t respond to a question about how many ultimately did.

In other cases, the problems were more mundane, such as inconsistently listing candidates on ballots. Some appeared with their last names first and others in the reverse order.

As issues with the election mounted, three education councils — District 1, District 20, and the citywide high school council — passed resolutions criticizing FACE, which has been gripped by internal turmoil in recent years.

“The persistent and systemic failures in FACE’s administration of these elections undermines parent trust in the process and threatens to depress parent participation in school governance,” according to language from all three resolutions.

An Education Department spokesperson did not comment on the concerns outlined in the resolutions.

Correction: District 2’s Community Education Council resolution sought to review rather than revise transgender guidelines for sports.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Alex Zimmerman is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

Bronx student speaks out from immigration detention: ‘I didn’t do anything wrong’

2025-06-12T23:34:14+00:00

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In his first public statement since being detained by immigration authorities last month, Bronx high schooler Dylan Lopez Contreras expressed anger over his surprise arrest and gratitude for the outpouring of support he’s received.

“It’s frustrating to be here knowing that I didn’t do anything wrong,” Dylan said in Spanish, according to a translation provided by his attorneys at the New York Legal Assistance Group, or NYLAG. “To people who are speaking out and taking action to support me: Thank you so much, I really didn’t expect all of the support and it fills me with hope.

“All I want is to go home so I can continue studying, to see the people who I love, and to be free,” he added.

Dylan directed a special message to his two elementary school-age siblings, with whom he shares a Bronx apartment along with their mother, Raiza.

“I will be out soon,” he said. “I can’t wait to hug you tightly and watch movies together again.”

Dylan’s arrest was a high-profile early example of an aggressive new immigration enforcement tactic under President Donald Trump in which officers arrest migrants after they appear for routine immigration court dates and thrust them into fast-track deportation proceedings. Dylan, a 20-year old Venezuelan student at ELLIS Prep, is the first known New York City public school student detained by immigration officials during Trump’s second term.

Last week, another city public school student — an 11th grader at Grover Cleveland High School in Queens, according to local lawmakers — was detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE. The student, whose name has not been released, is currently being held in Texas, according to a spokesperson for NYLAG, which is also representing him.

Dylan had permission to live and work here through a humanitarian program under former President Joe Biden while he went through the asylum application process. He was arrested May 21 after attending a hearing in Manhattan at which government lawyers asked the judge to dismiss Dylan’s immigration case, leaving him vulnerable to immediate arrest.

“When I realized what was happening, I felt very confused and irritated,” Dylan said, adding he didn’t understand the consequences of the dismissal. He has since been shuttled across multiple states and is currently being held in Pennsylvania, where his lawyers and family say he is receiving inadequate medical treatment for severe stomach issues that doctors suspect may stem from cancer or Crohn’s disease.

“They treat us like we are criminals here and the guards yell at us,” Dylan said.

Earlier this month, Dylan’s lawyers filed a “habeas corpus” petition alleging Dylan’s detention violates his due process rights. Separately, the lawyers urged ICE to release Dylan under “humanitarian parole,” citing a letter from a doctor arguing that leaving Dylan in detention could lead to “significant morbidity and possibly death.”

A spokesperson for New York Sen. Kristin Gillibrand said she supports the request and reached out on Dylan’s behalf. Bronx Rep. Ritchie Torres sent a letter Wednesday urging ICE to “give fair and full consideration to the request for parole as soon as possible.”

In a legal filing earlier this week, a lawyer for the U.S. government defended Dylan’s detention, arguing he’s eligible for expedited removal and that there’s no evidence his detention center is unable to treat his medical condition.

Dylan’s arrest has sparked widespread protests among city elected officials and advocates, and the city’s law department under Mayor Eric Adams filed a friend-of-the-court brief supporting Dylan’s release and criticizing ICE’s enforcement tactics.

In the wake of his arrest, Dylan’s school, ELLIS Prep, which caters to older, newly arrived immigrant students, rallied around him and sent hundreds of handwritten letters of support to his detention center. At first, Dylan told his mother ICE wouldn’t deliver the letters.

Dylan said this week that ICE officials have now delivered three letters. Still, they lifted his spirits.

“I was feeling depressed here, but it gave me a lot of hope to see that you all want the best for me,” he said. “With your support I haven’t felt so alone.”

He included advice for his classmates, some of whom are navigating their own immigration cases: “take care of yourself and be safe with everything that’s happening. If you have court, look for a lawyer and request that your hearing is virtual.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC mayoral race: How the candidates would respond to Trump on education funding threats

2025-06-10T21:36:54+00:00

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This is part of a series in which Chalkbeat asked the mayoral candidates questions about important education issues that will likely define the next four years. The primary is June 24, with early voting from June 14-22.

How New York City’s next mayor will respond to threats from President Donald Trump has become an animating question in this year’s mayoral campaign.

It’s a question that could have big implications for the city’s public school system, which receives about $2 billion a year in federal funding. The Trump administration has aggressively used the threat of withholding federal education funds to push states and districts to align with its policies in areas ranging from transgender sports rules to diversity, equity, and inclusion programs.

New York City’s Education Department, the nation’s largest school system, has not yet been directly targeted by federal threats or investigations. But worried school staff and families have pushed city and education department officials to issue clear statements on protections for LGBTQ and immigrant students.

In April, New York’s state education department was the first to publicly rebuff the Trump administration’s demand that states certify they are not pursuing diversity, equity, and inclusion programs in public schools — or risk forfeiting federal funds. The administration has launched civil rights investigations into states and districts that allow transgender girls to play on girls sports teams — a policy New York City has steadfastly defended.

Former governor and mayoral frontrunner Andrew Cuomo has staked his candidacy in large part on being the contender with the most direct experience dealing with Trump. But other candidates have argued that Cuomo would be the least forceful in pushing back on the Trump administration.

Chalkbeat asked the leading candidates how they would respond to Trump administration threats to education funding as part of a questionnaire on March 25 to find out their views on seven pressing issues. A spokesperson for Mayor Eric Adams said he declined to participate since he isn’t in the primary.

Here’s what they told us about their approach to Trump.

Responses may have been edited for formatting or trimmed for length, but otherwise each candidate’s answers are as submitted, including hyperlinks.

Should NYC’s mayor control the public schools? Here’s what the candidates say.

2025-06-09T21:40:04+00:00

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The winner of this year’s New York City mayoral election will step into a role with an unusual level of authority over public schools.

Under the state’s mayoral control law dating back to 2002, the city’s chief executive has almost unfettered control over the nation’s largest school system. The mayor unilaterally appoints the schools chancellor and names the majority of members to the education oversight panel that approves contracts and school closures. The City Council, which acts as a check on the mayor’s power in other areas, has little authority over education policy.

But the controversial governance system will be up for renewal once again midway through 2026, part of a long-running pattern in which the state legislature renews mayoral control for only short stints, turning it into a perennial political football. That means the city’s next mayor will once again be thrust into the debate over whether — and for how long — lawmakers in Albany should extend his or her control over city schools.

Supporters of the governance system, including the city’s past three mayors, say that making one person responsible for the performance of the public school system is the best way to ensure it’s responsive and there’s a clear line of accountability. The previous school board system was rife with corruption and inefficiency, mayoral control supporters contend.

Detractors argue the system is anti-democratic and ties the school system to shifting political winds rather than sound education policy. A 300-page report commissioned by the state legislature and released last year offered no definitive conclusions on the academic effects of mayoral control but sparked some renewed calls to reevaluate school governance.

Many of the current contenders for mayor have taken up the question of mayoral control before — as state legislators, city officials, and governor. But Chalkbeat wanted to know how they would view the question when it’s their own authority over city schools at stake.

Chalkbeat asked the leading candidates how they would address mayoral control as part of a questionnaire on March 25 to find out their views on seven pressing issues. A spokesperson for Mayor Eric Adams said he declined to participate since he isn’t in the primary.

Here’s what they told us about their views on the city’s school governance model.

Responses may have been edited for formatting or trimmed for length, but otherwise each candidate’s answers are as submitted, including hyperlinks.

Their student was detained by ICE. Now this Bronx school is rallying to get him back.

2025-06-05T23:33:32+00:00

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In the panicked moments after immigration agents detained Dylan Lopez Contreras in a Manhattan courthouse last month, his mother dialed a familiar number.

It was Hedin Bernard, a counselor at her son’s high school, English Language Learner and International Support Preparatory Academy, or ELLIS Prep — a nod to the famous island through which millions of immigrants entered New York City last century.

“He’s always given us support,” said Raiza, who asked to use only her first name for fear of retaliation. “He knows my son is a good kid. They’ve taken him in there, and they’re always available to help.”

Dylan’s arrest two weeks ago — the first known case of a New York City public school student detained by immigration agents in President Donald Trump’s second term — has galvanized local opposition to federal immigration policy and sparked a fierce debate about the city’s role in protecting immigrant students. His detention also has put a spotlight on the unique brand of public education offered by schools like ELLIS Prep.

Hedin Bernard, a bilingual school counselor at ELLIS Prep, center, helps to proctor an exam with students outside of his office in the Bronx public school.

Within an already specialized group of schools serving new immigrants, ELLIS is unique: It’s one of just a handful of schools citywide geared toward students who have been in the country for less than a year and are considered “over-age” to start at a traditional high school. Such students often struggle to find schools willing to enroll them and face among the steepest obstacles to finishing high school. Some, like Dylan, start at ELLIS as old as 19. (State law entitles students to remain in public school through age 21.)

A Bronx high schooler showed up for a routine immigration court date. ICE was waiting.

The school’s model represents an expansive vision of public education, embracing students like Dylan, regardless of immigration status, with academic and emotional help as well as connecting them with housing, food, and legal support with an explicit goal: getting them to college and out of poverty. But that mission stands in contrast to the policies of the Trump administration, which has ramped up deportations, rolled-back longstanding protections from immigration enforcement at school, and sought to curtail public funding for undocumented students pursuing higher education.

Dylan, center, is flanked by his younger siblings.

In the wake of the arrest, while some social media commenters questioned why Dylan, a 20-year-old native of Venezuela, was even enrolled in a public high school, staffers at ELLIS set about trying to get their student back.

The school mobilized to quickly connect Dylan and Raiza with resources while helping its other students — many worried about their own legal cases — make sense of the news.

In some ways, it’s a crisis that ELLIS was tailor-made to confront — drawing on its 17 years of expertise, close relationships with families, and extensive past experience supporting immigrant students through all manner of out-of-school challenges, including detention by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE.

The walls of the cafeteria of ELLIS Prep fill with commotion as students eat lunch, work on class assignments, and enjoy competitive games of foosball in the Bronx school.

“If it was going to happen, in a strange way, I’m glad it happened to us,” said Norma Vega, the school’s founding principal, who designed and launched ELLIS in 2008.

“They thought this was some kid they were going to pick up and no one was going to miss him,” she added. “That was a mistake.”

But ELLIS’ particular population and mission have also made it that much more susceptible to the ripple effects of Dylan’s arrest.

Students gather around a foosball table during lunch in the cafeteria of ELLIS Prep.

Breaking the news of Dylan’s arrest to other students felt almost like sharing news of a suicide, said Bernard, causing other students to immediately question: “Is it going to happen to me? Is it going to happen to more? What if somebody is going to court next week?”

One student told the school a little over a week after Dylan’s arrest that her family was planning to return to the Dominican Republic after hearing about relatives arrested under similar circumstances as Dylan.

In a matter of days, the school, one of seven nestled in the hulking John F. Kennedy High School campus overlooking the Harlem River in the Spuyten Duyvil section of the Bronx, had convened meetings with students and staff. They also launched a letter-writing campaign that yielded hundreds of hand-written notes of support to be delivered to Dylan at his Western Pennsylvania detention center. A teacher’s father created a GoFundMe page that has so far raised nearly $40,000 for the family.

Left, Emmanuel Ortiz, a member of the community outreach and technology support team displays a bundle of letters addressed to Dylan Lopez Contreras, a student who was detained by ICE agents on May 21 in New York City. And, right, letters written by students to send to Dylan.

“They’re always writing to me, calling me, seeing if I need anything emotionally,” Raiza said in Spanish. “So much, so much support.”

For Vega, the past few weeks have been a lesson in “how important it is to not function out of fear.”

“The more we continue to support, the more other people will be willing to support,” she said.

‘In a panic’: ELLIS leaps into action

At first, Bernard, the school counselor, didn’t see Raiza’s calls on May 21. He was wrapped up in one of the many small crises that fill his days.

A fixture and founding ELLIS staff member, Bernard, a bilingual counselor with Dominican roots, serves as a sounding board for students, families, and staff on everything from teen relationship drama to legal crises. He’s one of roughly a dozen people on the staff of about 40 dedicated to supporting the school’s 250 or so students with challenges beyond the classroom.

Hedin Bernard, a bilingual school counselor at ELLIS Prep, sits for a portrait in his office.

When Bernard noticed the multiple missed calls and finally got in touch with a distraught Raiza, he leapt into action.

“I was in a panic,” he said.

Bernard called every legal organization he could think of. He reached someone at Metro Baptist Church in midtown Manhattan, which houses multiple groups supporting migrant families, and connected Raiza with an advocacy group that provided case management and pro bono lawyers from the New York Legal Assistance Group, or NYLAG.

ELLIS counselors have long taken on the role of helping students find lawyers. Over multiple years, Bernard assembled an 18-page packet of pro bono lawyers that he distributes to students. But finding pro bono legal help has become more difficult this year, he said.

Because of the rapid-fire changes to immigration enforcement since Trump took office, routine hearings that used to be safe to attend without a lawyer now often require legal representation, said Melissa Chua, a co-director of the Immigrant Protection Unit at NYLAG who has been overseeing Dylan’s case. That has “exacerbated the distance between the need and the ability to provide help,” she said.

Bernard knew what to do when Raiza called, in part, because it wasn’t his first time facing this situation. Nearly a decade earlier, the school successfully rallied for the release of a student detained by immigration authorities under former President Barack Obama.

“It was all hands on deck,” recalled Bernard of that past effort.

As students of ELLIS Prep make their way to their scheduled classes, one student stops at Hedin Bernard's office before their class.

But Bernard feared this time might be different. The Trump administration has rolled out unprecedented enforcement tactics, arresting immigrants at courthouses and thrusting them into fast-track deportation proceedings. Detainees, including Dylan, are routinely whisked around the country from state to state, making it more difficult for their lawyers to reach them. And Bernard wasn’t sure whether Trump administration officials would respond to pressure in the same way the Obama administration had. ICE under Trump is seeking to push deportation to record levels as part of what administration officials say is a necessary corrective to overly permissive immigration policy during former President Joseph Biden’s tenure.

For ELLIS, the incident raised serious questions about whether the standard advice staffers had always given students — attend court dates — still made sense during the second Trump administration.

Vega, the school’s principal, wrestled with those questions the night of Dylan’s arrest: “How do I counsel them? What do I tell them? What do I say?”

‘It’s going to be hurtful:’ News of Dylan’s arrest spreads

Any hope that school staffers had that Dylan might be released quickly began to dim by the third day, when they learned he had been shuttled from a detention center in New Jersey to another in Texas.

Vega, preparing to share the news with students and teachers on Friday morning, struggled against her own anger and frustration about Dylan’s condition while seeking to reassure the school community.

In a cavernous science classroom filled with raw spaghetti sculptures, dozens of students filed in for a meeting with Vega and several of the school’s counselors.

ELLIS Prep in the Bronx.

“What I’m about to share with you is really important. It’s going to be hurtful,” Vega began. “On Wednesday, we were informed that one of our classmates was detained.”

Vega urged them to come talk to the staff if they have an upcoming court date.

“There’s no reason for you to feel ashamed, embarrassed,” she told them. “I know each of you by name. I know your stories. Everybody here knows who you are, because you matter.”

Many of the students in the crowded science classroom were still in the early stages of learning English and struggled to understand all of the details of Vega’s message. It wasn’t until after the meeting, when they began clustering in small groups to translate and discuss that it began to sink in. In hallways decorated with photos of students on international trips, billboards with college acceptance letters and Know Your Rights guidance, African students huddled to parse through the news in French, while Latin American students whispered in Spanish.

Many of them made their way to Vega’s office, a central gathering place where the door is almost never closed and students often come in to pray, use the bathroom, or eat.

“Noooo, Dylan,” said one junior as he pieced together the details of who had been detained.

Bernard joined one circle of Spanish-speaking students standing in the doorway of Vega’s office to help translate.

A boy with braids, purple headphones resting around his neck, and a gray Walt Disney sweatshirt with a Mickey Mouse logo cast his eyes down as Bernard explained. He had a court date coming up.

‘You’re not alone:’ Students offer their support

Public attention — and outrage — over Dylan’s case has continued to mount. Last Thursday, hundreds of Dylan’s supporters rallied on the steps of the Education Department’s downtown Manhattan headquarters demanding his release. Meanwhile, his lawyers filed a “habeas corpus” petition alleging Dylan’s detention violated his due process rights. Even Mayor Eric Adams, who initially sought to distance himself from the case, voiced support for Dylan as his law department filed a friend-of-the-court brief in his legal case.

A crowd stands Thursday, May 29, 2025, at a rally for Dylan, a 20-year-old New York City public school student arrested by immigration officials last week.

At ELLIS, staffers wanted to come up with their own way to make a quiet statement, while also giving their other students a chance to process their feelings.

On the same day as the rally, students and staffers set aside time during class to pen their thoughts for Dylan in handwritten notes, then sealed them in envelopes to ship to the Moshannon Valley Processing Center in Western Pennsylvania. The Department of Homeland Security did not immediately respond to a request for comment about the letters.

The notes were a mix of familiar teenage concerns and heartfelt offers of support.

One student recalled that Dylan, who had recently dyed his own shaggy hair purple, offered to color their hair. “Truthfully, I like my hair now more because of you,” the friend continued in Spanish. “I want to change it to blonde or blue now … what do you think?”

Another student, a fellow native of Venezuela, tried to boost his spirits by appealing to their shared national pride.

“It’s important to keep in mind that Venezuelans ‘NEVER GIVE UP.’ We’re warriors, strong, made to keep going.”

A sign dedicated to student Dylan Lopez Contreras who was detained by ICE agents on May 21 in New York City, greets staff and students of the Bronx public school.

And many others let him know that the entire school was behind him.

“I want you to know the school will do everything possible for you and keep your mom informed of everything,” one student wrote.

“We all confront our individual battles,” she continued. “And yours is very difficult, inhumane, and unjust. But you’re not alone.”

Earlier this week, Raiza informed the school that ICE declined to deliver the letters to her son.

They were marked, Dylan told her, as contraband.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

How would NYC’s mayoral candidates respond to the school safety agent shortage?

2025-06-04T19:44:52+00:00

Perhaps no issue better reflects the seismic shifts from the last mayoral election to this one in both the state of New York City’s school system and the politics surrounding it than the question of how to keep school safe — and what role NYPD school safety agents should play.

The number of safety agents — uniformed but unarmed NYPD officers stationed at schools — has shrunk from 5,000 during the 2019-2020 school year to 3,600 currently, a drop of roughly 28%.

Experts and safety agents say the drop was driven by high attrition and slow hiring during the pandemic, and a starting annual pay of roughly $37,000, which makes it difficult to recruit.

The steep drop is concerning to many principals, who rarely have enough staff to patrol campus perimeters during arrival and drop-off, which can be potentially problematic during transitional times. Those who run schools with metal detectors have students waiting in long lines to get into their buildings when there’s not enough staff to run the scanning machines.

Last mayoral election, the city was still in the midst of a plan hatched during the George Floyd racial justice protests of 2020 to shift the school safety division from NYPD supervision to the Education Department. Multiple candidates explicitly backed the idea of shifting financial resources away from the NYPD and redirecting them toward mental health and other types of student support.

And while the public conversation around systemic reform to the city’s school safety apparatus has faded, some critics of the system see the declining headcount as an opportunity to embrace approaches to school safety less reliant on police.

Chalkbeat asked the leading candidates how they would address the staffing shortage as part of a questionnaire on March 25 to find out their views on seven pressing issues. A spokesperson for Mayor Eric Adams said he declined to participate since he isn’t in the primary.

Here’s what they told us about their approach to school safety.

Responses may have been edited for formatting or trimmed for length, but otherwise each candidate’s answers are as submitted, including hyperlinks.

In rebuke of Trump, NYC files legal brief in support of Bronx student detained by ICE

2025-06-02T22:47:05+00:00

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In a rare rebuke from Mayor Eric Adams of President Donald Trump’s immigration policy, New York City’s Law Department filed a legal brief Monday in support of a Bronx high school student detained by immigration authorities.

It was also a remarkable shift from the mayor’s previous efforts to distance himself from the case, as other local politicians condemned the arrest of 20-year-old Dylan Lopez Contreras, a native of Venezuela who was detained after attending a routine immigration court date.

In a 17-page filing submitted to federal court in Western Pennsylvania, New York City’s Corporation Counsel Muriel Goode-Trufant decried Dylan’s arrest as a “trap” that undermines faith in the court system. Dylan, who attended ELLIS Prep, a Bronx High School that caters to older newly arrived immigrants, is the first known case of a city public school student detained by immigration authorities during Trump’s second term.

“The tactics employed in Dylan’s case — using his appearance at court for a routine immigration hearing as an opportunity to detain him — threatens to deter people from accessing the court system on which local governance depends,” Goode-Trufant wrote. “The implications threaten to reach well beyond the immigration arena and reach the countless other matters affecting public welfare that require our residents to appear in court every day.”

The city’s legal filing comes as Dylan’s personal lawyers intensify their efforts to secure his release. Last week, lawyers from the New York Legal Assistance Group, or NYLAG, filed a writ of “habeas corpus” asking a federal judge to order his release. On Monday, lawyers also sought a temporary restraining order in an effort to get him out of detention even quicker because of severe gastrointestinal-related medical issues.

Lawyers cited a medical expert who reviewed Dylan’s health records and testified that keeping Dylan in detention without access to specialists “will likely lead to significant morbidity and possibly death,” according to a legal filing.

Judge Stephanie Haines denied that request on Monday afternoon, according to a NYLAG spokesperson. But lawyers received news that Dylan passed an interview with an asylum officer to determine whether he has “credible fear” of returning to his country — staving off the risk of immediate deportation.

“While we are disappointed with today’s decision by the judge, we remain unwavering in our determination to fight for justice, due process and to bring Dylan home as soon as humanly possible,” the spokesperson said in a statement. “We are extremely heartened by the fact that Dylan successfully passed his credible fear interview, which is an important win for his case in recognizing his valid need for asylum relief.”

Dylan’s arrest, first reported by Chalkbeat last Monday, has become a high profile example of a new enforcement tactic that Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, agents are using across the country. In an effort to boost deportations, federal government lawyers have moved to dismiss deportation proceedings, allowing agents to arrest unsuspecting immigrants on the spot in courthouses and thrust them into a fast-track deportation process with fewer legal protections. The enforcement blitz has picked up in Manhattan over the past week, prompting protests and denunciations from the city’s congressional representatives.

Officials from the Department of Homeland security did not immediately respond to a request for comment. They previously criticized former President Joseph Biden’s policy allowing migrants like Dylan to enter the country and said “ICE is now following the law and placing these illegal aliens in expedited removal, as they always should have been.”

The city’s intervention in Dylan’s case represents a dramatic about-face from Adams’ initial response last week. Asked about the arrest at a press conference last Tuesday, Adams repeatedly said federal immigration enforcement was not his concern, argued the arrest would not keep immigrants from using city services, and declined to commit to looking into Dylan’s case or pushing for his release.

Adams spokesperson Kayla Mamelak Altus argued on the social media platform X that Adams “didn’t have all of the information” at the time.

In a statement Monday, Adams said Dylan “was going through the exact legal proceeding that we encourage new arrivals to go through in order to be able to work and provide for their families — and even accessed the center that we created for migrants to be able to avoid city shelters and become independent.

“But instead of being rewarded for following the law, he was punished for doing what we all asked him to do,” Adams continued.

Dylan’s mom Raiza, who asked to use only her first name for fear of retaliation, told Chalkbeat in Spanish that the city’s legal filing is “very good news.”

“I’m very grateful,” she said. “My son is not a criminal. He’s a student.”

City’s intervention marks a shift

The city’s friend-of-the-court brief marks one of the most direct rebukes from the Adams administration of Trump’s immigration policy — a topic that played a central role in the scandal that has enveloped Adams’ mayoralty. Adams faced federal corruption charges last year, but the Justice Department under Trump moved to dismiss the charges. One argument Trump’s Justice Department lawyers made for dismissing the case was that criminal proceedings would curtail Adams’ ability to help execute Trump’s immigration policies. Adams has expressed a desire to roll back the city’s “sanctuary” protections, including a longstanding agreement that kept ICE from operating on Rikers Island.

Dylan’s case — and Adams’ lack of involvement — drew a major outcry from local and national elected officials in the last week. Hundreds of supporters gathered at a rally last week to demand Dylan’s immediate release, with multiple local elected officials criticizing the mayor’s silence.

Adams faces a long-shot bid for reelection this year, and several of his challengers immediately issued statements criticizing Dylan’s detention and Adams’ response.

While Adams argued last week that the ICE courthouse enforcement blitz would not interfere with immigrant New Yorkers accessing city services, his lawyers made the opposite case in Monday’s legal brief.

The city has welcomed over 100,000 asylum-seekers in recent years and “has an obligation to ensure that those residing in its jurisdiction can access basic municipal services and continue contributing as members of our community while here,” the brief reads.

The new enforcement tactics “risk driving underground those otherwise inclined to follow the country’s immigration laws, undermining the very system that those laws are designed to serve,” according to the filing.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Lawyers for Bronx high school student detained by ICE file petition for immediate release

2025-05-30T12:28:11+00:00

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The campaign pushing for the release of a Bronx high school student arrested by immigration authorities last week continued to escalate with a new legal petition challenging the validity of his detention.

Attorneys for Dylan, 20, a native of Venezuela, made several moves Thursday they hope will slow, and ultimately stymie, the government’s efforts to fast-track his deportation following his arrest last week by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, agents after a routine court date.

Dylan is the first known current New York City public school student to be detained by immigration authorities in President Donald Trump’s second term. In the days following Chalkbeat’s Monday report on Dylan’s arrest, his case has become national news and galvanized local efforts to oppose Trump’s immigration policies, including a rally Thursday on the steps of the city’s Education Department headquarters in lower Manhattan.

A card from Dylan's school, ELLIS Prep, displayed at the rally for his release.

Dylan’s attorneys from the New York Legal Assistance Group, or NYLAG, filed a “habeas corpus” petition late Thursday night in federal court in Western Pennsylvania, where Dylan is being held, arguing that immigration officials violated his due process rights by preventing him from making full use of the court system. They assert that Dylan is ineligible for “expedited” deportation because he had legal permission to enter the country under a Biden-era humanitarian program.

Dylan’s arrest was part of a nationwide enforcement blitz where government lawyers move to dismiss migrants’ immigration cases, allowing authorities to arrest them on the spot and thrust them into a fast-tracked deportation process with fewer legal protections.

Officials from the Department of Homeland security did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the new legal petition. They previously criticized former President Joseph Biden’s policy allowing migrants like Dylan to enter the country and said “ICE is now following the law and placing these illegal aliens in expedited removal, as they always should have been.”

Legal case builds momentum after slow start

For the first week of his detention, Dylan’s lawyers could not reach him because he was shuttled so rapidly between four different states, according to a NYLAG spokesperson and his mother, Raiza, whose last name is being withheld at her request to avoid retaliation.

His lawyers finally managed to make contact Wednesday morning — just in time to prepare him for an interview with an asylum officer about whether he has a “credible fear” of returning to Venezuela — a hurdle Dylan must clear to avoid immediate deportation.

The interview took place early Thursday morning, with no advance notice to Dylan’s lawyers. They were only able to get a lawyer patched into the interview after Raiza alerted them shortly before, according to one of the attorneys.

A determination on that hearing could take several days or more. But even if Dylan prevails, he likely will not be immediately released, and will have to continue to litigate his asylum case from detention, according to his lawyers.

That’s why they also filed a habeas corpus petition Thursday night, asking a federal judge to order ICE to release Dylan immediately and to prevent him from being moved to any other detention sites.

“Dylan’s arrest and ongoing detention cause him enormous and continued harm,” the filing alleges. “He has been ripped away from his high school studies, his work, and his mother and young siblings who rely on him.” The full-time student at ELLIS Prep, which caters to older newly arrived immigrants, has also been working part-time as a delivery worker, helping his mom and two younger siblings move out of a shelter and into their own apartment.

His attorneys argue that Dylan’s arrest and detention have curtailed his ability to access the court system — a violation of the due process rights guaranteed to anyone in the U.S., regardless of immigration status. In addition to his asylum claim, Dylan is applying for Special Immigration Juvenile Status, a type of legal protection for youth under 21 who can’t be reunited with both parents (his father passed away years ago), according to the petition.

Dylan was scheduled to have a hearing in family court for that case Friday morning but was unlikely to be able to attend from detention — endangering his case, according to his attorneys.

The lawyers argue that Dylan was never eligible for “expedited removal” in the first place, since the procedure is not meant for people who were “admitted or paroled” into the country like Dylan was, according to federal immigration law.

Adding to the urgency of the situation is the fact that Dylan is facing severe gastrointestinal issues that doctors were still trying to diagnose when he was detained. “These specialists are currently in the process of assessing whether Dylan’s symptoms are the result of cancer or [Crohn’s] disease,” and recommended an “immediate in-person follow up appointment,” the filing states.

Trump administration officials have recently discussed suspending habeas corpus as part of their efforts to increase deportations, but legal experts say an act of Congress would be required to do so.

Dylan’s detention continues to draw widespread attention

Meanwhile, Dylan’s case has continued to pick up public attention. An online fundraiser that launched Wednesday to help Dylan’s mom with expenses related to his legal case and caring for her two younger children had collected more than $27,000 by Friday morning.

And hundreds of supporters — including elected officials and city schools Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos — rallied outside of the Education Department’s downtown Manhattan headquarters calling for his release.

Chants of “Free Dylan” echoed through the crowd of teachers union members, immigration advocates, students, and anti-Trump protesters.

Schools Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos addresses the crowd at the rally to release Dylan from ICE detention.

“Dylan is a student, a worker, and part of our community. He did everything right, and still, ICE tore him away from his life and family in New York,” U.S. Rep. Nydia Velasquez said in a statement, the second federal elected official to publicly challenge Dylan’s detention.

Aviles-Ramos’s brief comments sought to reassure families that schools are safe and that the city school system “stands firmly” with its immigrant students, but offered few specifics.

Her presence at the rally was notable given Mayor Eric Adams’ refusal to speak out about Dylan’s case in recent days. Asked at a press conference on Tuesday whether he had concerns about Dylan’s detention or whether he would push for his release, Adams repeatedly declined to weigh in.

On Friday, City Hall released a statement encouraging New Yorkers to not “live in fear” and to continue using public resources, such as sending children to school or dialing 911 when they need help.

“While the Adams administration had no involvement in the apprehension of Dylan, we are sad to learn of this incident — especially since Dylan was reportedly following the legal process to seek asylum when he was taken into custody," the statement said.

Other speakers emphasized that even if schools themselves haven’t been targeted in ICE raids, immigration enforcement that sweeps up students elsewhere still has ripple effects that spread into schools.

“Our public schools are doing social work, they’re doing wraparound services,” said Naveed Hasan, a Manhattan parent and member of the Panel for Educational Policy. “And that means that, while schools are safe…the other places that are near schools, [on] the way to schools, have to be guaranteed as safe places.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Cita rutinaria en la corte resulta en el arresto de ICE para estudiante de high school del Bronx

2025-05-29T22:32:41+00:00

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El estudiante de high school del Bronx, originario de Venezuela, intentaba hacer lo correcto en todo momento.

Dylan, de 20 años, huyó de su país el año pasado y se entregó en la frontera de Estados Unidos en abril de 2024, a través de un programa de ingreso implementado durante la administración Biden. Solicitó asilo y se le permitió entrar al país mientras esperaba una cita en la corte, lo que le permitió obtener un permiso de trabajo y una licencia de conducir para aprendices, según relataron sus abogados y su madre, Raiza.

Se reunió con su madre y sus dos hermanos menores en el Bronx, y empezó a trabajar a tiempo parcial como repartidor para ayudar a Raiza a reunir el dinero necesario para sacar a la familia del refugio municipal donde vivían y mudarse a un departamento propio.

Y aunque ya había terminado la high school en Venezuela, se inscribió en una high school del Bronx que está orientada a recién llegados de mayor edad, decidido a seguir estudiando y llegar a la universidad.

Por eso, cuando llegó la fecha obligatoria de comparecencia de Dylan el pasado miércoles, él y Raiza no dudaron en presentarse en persona, tal como se les había indicado, en el bajo Manhattan. Asumieron que se trataría de un trámite rutinario, según explicó Raiza, quien pidió que se usaran solo sus nombres de pila por temor a represalias por parte de las autoridades migratorias.

En cambio, según relató Raiza, Dylan —quien asistió a la audiencia sin abogado— renunció sin saberlo a sus protecciones legales y fue arrestado de inmediato por agentes del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés), que lo siguieron al salir de la sala hasta el vestíbulo del tribunal.

El arresto de Dylan fue parte de una ofensiva a nivel nacional. En tribunales de todo el país, abogados del gobierno solicitaron a los jueces que desestimaran los casos contra migrantes para reabrirlos de inmediato como casos de “remoción expedita”. Esto permitió a las autoridades detener a sus objetivos en el acto e iniciar un proceso de deportación acelerado, con menos controles legales, según abogados y diversos informes periodísticos.

“Parece un juego sucio de su parte”, le dijo Raiza a Chalkbeat en español. “Cuando alguien se comparece ante un juez es porque no tiene antecedentes penales, porque quiere hacer las cosas bien… Lo único que él quiere es estudiar”.

El arresto ha causado un fuerte impacto en ELLIS Prep, la high school del Bronx con una comunidad estrechamente unida a la que asiste Dylan, y representa el primer caso conocido de un estudiante actualmente matriculado en una escuela pública de la ciudad de Nueva York detenido por ICE durante el segundo mandato de Trump, según señalaron varios defensores de los derechos de inmigrantes y educadores.

La directora de ELLIS Prep, Norma Vega, reunió al personal el pasado viernes para informarles sobre Dylan. “Se llevaron a uno de nuestros chicos,” dijo.

Vega dijo que le da aliento ver el apoyo que Dylan ya está recibiendo y que espera poder organizar más acciones para luchar por su liberación. “Pensaron que era un blanco fácil, que no valía nada… [pero] hay muchísima gente dispuesta a respaldarlo”.

En una declaración en respuesta a una consulta de Chalkbeat —que luego fue publicada en redes sociales—, la canciller de escuelas Melissa Avilés-Ramos expresó: “Lamentamos profundamente la detención del estudiante por parte de ICE y acompañamos con el corazón a su familia en este difícil momento. Aunque el incidente no ocurrió dentro de una escuela, queremos transmitirles tranquilidad a nuestras familias: seguiremos alzando la voz y defendiendo la seguridad, la dignidad y los derechos de todos nuestros estudiantes”.

En los cinco días desde su detención el 21 de mayo, Dylan —quien padece graves problemas estomacales— ha sido trasladado por cuatro estados distintos: Nueva Jersey, Texas, Luisiana y Pensilvania, según informaron sus abogados y su madre.

Los traslados constantes han dificultado que sus abogados se comuniquen con él, ya que normalmente se requieren varios días después de cada traslado para poder programar una consulta, según explicó una abogada del New York Legal Assistance Group (NYLAG), la organización que representa a Dylan. Raiza, quien ha logrado hablar con él por teléfono, contó que no se le ha brindado atención médica y que ha pasado casi todo el tiempo esposado de pies y manos.

ICE no respondió a la consulta de Chalkbeat sobre el caso de Dylan.

Un viaje agotador que lleva a más lucha y esperanza

La familia de Dylan forma parte de una ola migratoria sin precedentes que ha llegado a la ciudad de Nueva York en los últimos años. En 2023, Raiza cruzó el peligroso Tapón del Darién junto a sus dos hijos menores —que ahora tienen 7 y 10 años—. Pero en ese momento no podía costear el viaje de Dylan, así que él tuvo que emprender la travesía por su cuenta un año después.

La experiencia fue traumática. Dylan fue secuestrado en México por el temido cartel de Sinaloa y retenido para pedir un rescate, contó Raiza.

Una vez que logró asegurar su liberación, Dylan ingresó al país con una cita programada a través de la aplicación CBP One, un programa implementado durante la administración Biden —y recientemente revocado por Trump— que buscaba formalizar y agilizar el proceso de entrada a Estados Unidos. Se le permitió ingresar mientras aguardaba su primera cita en la corte, y solicitó —sin contar con un abogado— asilo y el Estatus Especial de Inmigrante Juvenil, una forma de protección legal destinada a jóvenes, según explicó su abogada del Grupo de Asistencia Legal de Nueva York (NYLAG, por sus siglas en inglés).

El estatus legal de Dylan le permitió calificar tanto para un permiso de trabajo como para una licencia de conducir provisional, según contó su madre. Logró comprarse su propia bicicleta eléctrica y trabajaba a medio tiempo como repartidor.

La vida en Estados Unidos no fue fácil para su familia. Su madre tuvo que desempeñar varios trabajos —entre ellos, vender chocolates, limpiar apartamentos y asistir a un carpintero— para poder sacar a su familia del refugio para personas sin hogar donde vivían en el Bronx. Luego, Raiza contó que casi pierde miles de dólares en una estafa vinculada a un contrato de alquiler, y que solo logró recuperar parte del dinero tras amenazar con llamar a la policía.

A Dylan le costaba equilibrar el trabajo con los estudios, y en un momento incluso llegó a considerar abandonar la escuela, hasta que la escuela misma y Raiza intervinieron, según contó ella. Más recientemente, Dylan estaba lidiando con importantes problemas de salud que lo mantenían alejado de las clases, añadió Raiza. De hecho, Dylan se encontraba en proceso de realizarse estudios médicos adicionales cuando fue detenido, explicó.

Pero a pesar de todas las dificultades, Raiza se sentía orgullosa de la vida que ella y sus hijos habían logrado construir en la ciudad de Nueva York.

Dylan, tercero desde la izquierda, posa con su mamá y sus hermanos menores.

“Lo único que quiero es un futuro mejor para ellos,” dijo Raiza. “Lamentablemente, mi país no ofrece esa posibilidad”.

Los tres niños adoraban sus escuelas. Dylan, un joven hogareño y poco interesado en fiestas, asumía un papel activo en el cuidado de sus hermanos menores mientras Raiza trabajaba largas jornadas. Los recogía de la escuela y corregía su conducta cuando era necesario, contó ella.

Y Dylan, quien solía llevar el cabello negro, largo y despeinado hasta los hombros, se ganó la admiración de muchos estudiantes y miembros del personal en ELLIS por su carácter tímido pero amable. Un compañero recordó que compartía con generosidad sus arepas, un popular plato venezolano elaborado con masa de maíz frita, rellena de carne o queso. Según contó su orientadora escolar, Dylan solía jugar al Uno durante el almuerzo con un grupo de amigos y estaba interesado en aprender a tocar la guitarra en la clase de música.

Una cita en la corte termina en una detención

Normalmente, una cita en la corte como la de Dylan habría sido un trámite sencillo. Pero cuando él y su madre llegaron al tribunal de inmigración, en el 290 de Broadway, en el Bajo Manhattan, los abogados del gobierno presentaron una solicitud inusual: le pidieron al juez que desestimara el proceso de deportación en su contra, según relataron su madre y sus abogados.

Pero al desestimarse el proceso de deportación de Dylan, su solicitud de asilo también quedó anulada, lo que lo dejó desprotegido legalmente y permitió al gobierno iniciar un proceso de remoción expedita.

Si la familia hubiera tenido un abogado presente, tal vez habría podido oponerse a la solicitud de desestimación o, al menos, comprender mejor las posibles repercusiones, señalaron los abogados de NYLAG que representan a Dylan. Pero Raiza contó que había buscado un abogado sin éxito antes de la audiencia y que no podía costear uno privado.

Después de que se desestimara el caso de Dylan, Raiza contó que dos hombres ingresaron a la sala del tribunal y luego los siguieron a ella y a Dylan al salir, incluso hasta el ascensor.

“Cuando salimos del ascensor, nos dijeron: ‘Párense contra la pared’”, recordó Raiza. A su lado, otra joven gritaba mientras era detenida, recordó también Raiza, quien en un principio fue esposada. Les suplicó a los oficiales que Dylan no tenía antecedentes penales y les explicó que tenía niños pequeños en casa. Los agentes decidieron liberarla, pero se llevaron a Dylan en un carro sin identificación, relató.

Raiza y su hijo Dylan.

La práctica de realizar arrestos en los tribunales “generará temor y hará que las personas tengan miedo de asistir a sus audiencias y de ejercer su derecho al asilo”, advirtió la abogada de Dylan, quien habló bajo condición de anonimato para no poner en riesgo su caso. Sin embargo, también advirtió que faltar a una cita en la corte puede derivar en una orden de deportación.

Las horas posteriores al arresto de Dylan fueron un torbellino de actividad, mientras Raiza intentaba, en vano, obtener más información sobre su detención. Llamó al orientador de su hijo, Hedin Bernard, de ELLIS Prep, quien la derivó a una iglesia que podría ayudarla a conseguir representación legal y apoyo para el seguimiento del caso.

Bajo el proceso de remoción expedita, que no requiere una audiencia ante un juez, Dylan tendrá una entrevista con un oficial de asilo para evaluar si tiene un “miedo creíble” de regresar a Venezuela. Sus respuestas podrían determinar si existe alguna base legal para que pueda permanecer en el país. Según indicaron sus abogados, probablemente no tendrá acceso a representación legal durante el proceso.

Eso significa que, en esencia, Dylan tendrá que comenzar de nuevo el proceso de solicitud de asilo, “pero esta vez detenido y solo”, explicó su abogada.

Según Raiza, Dylan ya no tiene familiares cercanos en Venezuela, y le preocupa que el gobierno lo pueda si regresa. “Esto es lo que me angustia”, dijo. “No va a terminar bien”.

Los abogados de Dylan sostienen que su detención y el intento de deportación rápida presentan múltiples cuestionamientos legales. Actualmente existe una demanda en curso que disputa si las personas que ingresaron al país como lo hizo Dylan pueden ser sometidas a una remoción expedita. Además, los abogados señalaron que Dylan tiene una audiencia pendiente relacionada con su solicitud de Estatus Especial de Inmigrante Juvenil (SIJS, por sus siglas en inglés).

La detención de Dylan ha sido devastadora para sus dos hermanos menores, que están en edad de escuela primaria y lo ven como “un papá”, contó Raiza.

El día en que detuvieron a Dylan, Raiza no llegó a casa a la hora habitual, y sus hijos más pequeños empezaron a llamarla desesperados. Tuvo que darles la noticia por teléfono.

“El niño empezó a llorar desesperadamente… solo preguntaban, ‘¿cuándo va a volver?’”, contó. “Les dije que ICE se había llevado a su hermano, que confiaran en Dios, que todo iba a salir bien, y que rezaran, porque Dios siempre escucha a los niños”.

Raiza contó que Dylan ha tratado de mostrarse fuerte durante las llamadas telefónicas, pero ella sabe que en realidad está asustado.

En cuanto a Raiza, su extenuante travesía hasta los Estados Unidos la ha hecho valiente frente a casi todo. Aunque hay algo que aún la asusta: “Lo único que me da miedo es que le pase algo a mis hijos,” dijo. “No quiero perder a mi hijo.”

Traducido por Flavia Melisa Franco

Michael Elsen-Rooney es reportero de Chalkbeat Nueva York y cubre las escuelas públicas de la ciudad de Nueva York. Póngase en contacto con Michael en melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Bronx Rep. Ritchie Torres demands answers from ICE on arrest of NYC high school student

2025-05-28T22:36:46+00:00

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U.S. Rep. Ritchie Torres demanded answers Wednesday from the Department of Homeland Security about the arrest of a 20-year-old New York City public school student by immigration officials last week, according to a copy of his letter shared with Chalkbeat.

Dylan, whose full name is being withheld at the request of his family, fled Venezuela and entered the country legally last year under a Biden-era entry program while requesting asylum. He was living in the Bronx with his mom and two younger siblings, in Torres’ congressional district, when he was detained last week by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, after attending a routine court hearing, Chalkbeat first reported Monday.

Dylan’s arrest was part of an ongoing nationwide immigration enforcement blitz where government lawyers move to dismiss immigration cases, which allows ICE agents to arrest migrants on the spot in courthouses and place them in an “expedited removal” process that affords fewer legal protections, according to lawyers and numerous news reports.

His case has sparked outrage among many local elected officials, some of whom are planning to rally alongside advocates outside the city Education Department’s Manhattan headquarters on Thursday for his release. Mayor Eric Adams has been notably muted, maintaining that federal immigration actions are not his responsibility and declining to commit to push for Dylan’s release.

Torres, a Bronx democrat, is the first federal elected official to publicly intervene on Dylan’s behalf.

Bronx Rep. Ritchie Torres

In his Wednesday letter to ICE Acting Director Todd Lyons and Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem, Torres expressed “deep concern” about Dylan’s arrest, saying it “has left his school, his community, and even me — his elected Congressional representative — shocked and searching for answers.”

Torres asked immigration officials to explain why Dylan was detained and how his removal “serve[s] the public interest or promote[s] public safety.” He also sought “confirmation that Dylan’s full legal rights are being upheld,” including “access to counsel, medical care, and the opportunity to contest his removal.”

Federal officials did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Torres’ letter. A DHS official previously said regarding Dylan’s case that former President Joseph Biden erred in allowing migrants like Dylan to enter the country and “ICE is now following the law and placing these illegal aliens in expedited removal, as they always should have been.”

Detainees under expedited removal face interviews with asylum officers to decide whether they face “credible fear” of returning to their home country — though Dylan’s lawyers noted he had already applied for asylum before his case was dismissed and will likely not have access to representation when he’s interviewed in detention.

Torres said the “basis for his detention hinges on a disturbing trend of deporting those without criminal records and without any evidence of criminal conduct.”

Dylan has “demonstrated extraordinary resilience and responsibility” since arriving in the U.S., Torres wrote, noting that he enrolled full time in public school, got a job, and helped his family move out of a homeless shelter. “He is, by every standard, contributing to his community and making good on the promise of the American dream.”

Dylan has been shuttled between four different states in the days since he was arrested on May 21, according to his mom Raiza and lawyers from the New York Legal Assistance Group, or NYLAG. (Chalkbeat is also withholding Raiza’s last name at her request.) Dylan’s attorneys were first able to make contact with him Wednesday morning — a week after his arrest — and said he was in a detention facility in Pennsylvania.

He suffers from severe stomach issues and said he had not received medical care in detention and had spent most of his time with his hands and feet cuffed, Raiza previously told Chalkbeat.

Torres argued that Dylan’s arrest at a legally mandated court hearing will have a “deeply chilling effect on immigrant communities in my district,” discouraging families from attending court dates and school.

“Dylan’s case sends a message to the people of New York that for the Trump administration, instilling fear in the public is more important than following the law,” the letter continued. “I strongly urge you to review Dylan’s case with fairness, compassion, and common sense. Immigration enforcement should be rooted in public safety, not in punishing young people who are working hard, playing by the rules, and striving to build better lives.”

Read the full letter here:

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Hundreds of NYC students walk out of class for ‘anti-Trump, nonpartisan’ protest

2025-05-27T23:21:28+00:00

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Hundreds of high school students in New York City walked out of class Tuesday for what organizers called an “anti-Trump, nonpartisan” protest against attacks on democracy under President Donald Trump’s administration.

Teenagers representing dozens of high schools, many sporting red, white, and blue apparel and face paint, met in Union Square. Organizers made the case that pushing back on President Donald Trump’s efforts to crack down on universities and student protesters while ramping up immigration enforcement is a matter of standing up for constitutional rights rather than partisan politics.

“We want to unite kids from all political stances around protecting the constitutional rights that we believe are being threatened right now by the Trump administration,” said Nava Litt, a senior at the Bronx Science of High School who helped organize the protest. She noted that members come from a range of political backgrounds, from “serious pro-Palestinian activists to people who have parents who voted for Trump and have gone to Trump rallies.”

Students touted signs including, “Fascism is bad, actually,” to, “WE’RE NOT RADICAL. WE JUST PAY ATTENTION IN HISTORY CLASS.”

A student displays a handwritten sign at Tuesday's rally in Union Square.

The rally, which follows mass protests in cities across the country in recent months, represents one of the first large-scale mobilizations of New York City K-12 students since Trump took office in January.

One attendee noted that unlike many adult or even college-age protesters, most high school students cannot vote — making it critical for them to raise their voices in other ways.

Litt created a student group called “We the Students” with some of her peers in February as a “nonpartisan, pro-democracy group.” For the walkout, she tapped her social networks, connecting with students from about 20 schools and deputizing “captains” at those campuses to organize their classmates.

Some attendees said they’ve been yearning for a chance to make their voices heard about how the Trump administration’s policies are affecting them and leapt at the chance to protest.

“I lead the political science club at my school, so I’m just kind of constantly looking for stuff like this,” said Madeline LaGreco, a freshman at the Clinton School in Manhattan, who found out about the rally on Instagram, then posted it on her own account to share with friends.

Others had to overcome some hesitation before attending the rally.

“I know a lot of people close to me, a lot of my friends who do go to my school judged me for wanting to go to this,” said Samantha Kim, also a freshman at the Clinton School. “It’s one of those things where they don’t believe in politics. But at this point, it’s not politics, it’s human rights.”

Students at Tuesday's rally display signs demanding more protection for students and schools.

The specific issues that rally attendees and speakers highlighted ran the gamut from the crackdown on academic freedom in higher education, to immigration enforcement, to the targeting of law firms. Several attendees said they were deeply concerned about the effects of threats to pull federal funding from colleges they would be applying to in a matter of years.

Others pointed out that Trump’s efforts to dismantle the federal education department could affect them immediately. Many students raised concerns about the prospect of friends or relatives facing immigration enforcement.

The day before the rally, Chalkbeat reported on a 20-year-old high school student in the Bronx who was detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, after showing up to a routine court date — the first known case of a current city public school student detained by immigration officials.

“The administration has done so many things, you really can’t even pinpoint one specific thing,” said Abigail, a student at Brooklyn Technical High School who asked to use only her first name. “It calls for just a massive expression of anger directed towards the administration.”

Litt said the idea of walking out of school was rooted in a practical New York City tradition. “Walkouts are something New York City kids do and have done before and understand how they work and understand the tradition of it,” she said. “And there’s a real robust protest culture in New York City high schools, and we want to tap into that energy and tap into that enthusiasm.”

Some students said they were expecting consequences like detention for attending the protest. To minimize academic disruptions, student organizers decided to wait until after AP exams, which took place earlier in May.

City schools Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos said that students who left school before dismissal would be marked absent from any classes they missed.

“We respect the voice of students as they speak out on the difficult issues of our time and advocate for their peers,” she said in a statement. “As we have said repeatedly, our students should remain in school to continue to get the world-class education they deserve.”

Some students said that when they weighed the possible short-term consequences of missing school against the longer-term importance of speaking out, they came down firmly on the side of attending the rally.

“You can be worried about … current repercussions,” said LaGreco, the Clinton School freshman. “But the further this administration does the things that they’ve been doing, the actual repercussions in the real world, not just our school, completely outweigh everything.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael atmelsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Amy Zimmer is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat New York. Contact Amy atazimmer@chalkbeat.org.

NY Attorney General, mayoral candidates condemn ICE detention of Bronx high schooler

2025-05-27T22:31:12+00:00

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Politicians across the city rallied on Tuesday around a Bronx high school student who was detained by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents after showing up for a routine immigration court hearing, calling for his immediate release.

Among those decrying the arrest of Dylan, a 20-year-old asylum seeker from Venezuela, was New York Attorney General Letitia James, who called his arrest “despicable.” Mayoral candidates also questioned the detention, with one describing it as “sick and twisted,” while Mayor Eric Adams took a more muted stance.

Dylan attended ELLIS Prep, which caters to older newly arrived immigrants, and remained determined to make it to college. He is the first known current New York City public school student detained by ICE during Trump’s second administration, as Chalkbeat first reported on Monday.

He fled his homeland in April 2024 under a Biden-era entry program, reuniting with his mom and two younger siblings, who he helped support as a part-time delivery worker. He requested asylum and was permitted to stay as he awaited his court date.

Dylan, third from left, poses with his mom and younger siblings.

Dylan went to last week’s court hearing without a lawyer and unwittingly relinquished his legal protections, his mom, Raiza, previously told Chalkbeat. He was promptly arrested by ICE agents who followed him out of the courtroom and into the courthouse lobby. He has no criminal record, his mom added.

(The family requested using only first names for fear of retaliation from immigration authorities.)

Similar scenes are playing out in courthouses across the country, with government lawyers asking immigration judges to dismiss cases against migrants, then immediately reopening them as “expedited removal” cases. The tactic allows authorities to arrest their targets on the spot and fast-track the deportation process with fewer legal checks, according to lawyers and numerous news reports.

A Department of Homeland Security official confirmed that Dylan was arrested and placed in “expedited removal proceedings.”

“Most aliens who illegally entered the United States within the past two years are subject to expedited removals,” the official wrote in an email. “Biden ignored this legal fact and chose to release millions of illegal aliens, including violent criminals, into the country with a notice to appear before an immigration judge. ICE is now following the law and placing these illegal aliens in expedited removal, as they always should have been.”

The official said that those with a “valid credible fear claim” will continue to wind their way through the process. “But if no valid claim is found, aliens will be subject to a swift deportation.”

A spokesperson for the New York Legal Assistance Group, or NYLAG, which is representing Dylan, pushed back.

“Dylan entered with permission from the United States. He was paroled in to seek asylum. To characterize his entry any other way is false,” the spokesperson said in a statement.

In the six days since his May 21 arrest, Dylan has been shuttled between four different states, including New Jersey, Texas, Louisiana, and Pennsylvania, his lawyers and mom said. The constant movement has prevented his lawyers from connecting with him since it typically takes several days after a transfer to coordinate a consultation, said an attorney from NYLAG.

Additionally, Dylan suffers from extreme stomach issues, and his mother, who has been in touch with her son by phone, said he has not received medical care and has spent most of the time with his hands and feet cuffed.

Following Chalkbeat’s reporting on Dylan’s arrest, Mayor Eric Adams was asked about the situation at an unrelated press conference on Tuesday and emphasized that it didn’t happen at school.

“I want to be extremely clear. That did not happen in the school,” Adams said. “Children should be in school. I told parents that, and I lived up to that. We have had no raids in our schools.”

The city does not coordinate with ICE on civil enforcement, he added.

“We don’t know what happened in court, what caused this action,” Adams said. “Federal authorities handle ICE. I don’t control the borders.”

He continued: “My message to all immigrants, documented and undocumented … follow the law. If the law was that you had to show up to court, follow the law.”

Adams did not answer when asked if he would use his relationship with Trump administration officials to push for Dylan’s release.

Several other politicians expressed strong support for Dylan.

New York Attorney General Letitia James took to social media to rail against his arrest.

Dylan is a 20-year-old student who followed our legal process and is trying to get an education and provide for his family.

ICE took advantage of his court date to arrest him.

It's despicable.https://t.co/NFHuIMqtWX
— NY AG James (@NewYorkStateAG) May 27, 2025

Two mayoral candidates also came to Dylan’s defense. City Comptroller Brad Lander said he would “work to make sure New Yorkers like Dylan have the legal protections and representation they deserve to fight back against ICE’s inhumane actions.”

And state Rep. Zohran Mamdani, wrote: “This is where Eric Adams’ silence and complicity has led us. Free Dylan now.”

This is sick and twisted. A NYC student who followed all legal requirements, arrested because of ICE trickery and a lack of legal representation.

When I'm Mayor, we'll work to make sure New Yorkers like Dylan have the legal protections and representation they deserve to fight…
— Brad Lander (@bradlander) May 27, 2025

Trump's ICE is now kidnapping New York City high school students. This is where Eric Adams' silence and complicity has led us.

Free Dylan now. pic.twitter.com/0vzuCQw2VJ
— Zohran Kwame Mamdani (@ZohranKMamdani) May 27, 2025

Manhattan Borough President Mark Levine, who is running for city comptroller, also posted in support of Dylan, writing, “We must demand his immediate release.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael atmelsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Amy Zimmer is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat New York. Contact Amy atazimmer@chalkbeat.org.

A Bronx high schooler showed up for a routine immigration court date. ICE was waiting.

2025-05-27T00:35:33+00:00

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The Bronx high school student from Venezuela was trying to do everything right.

Dylan, 20, fled his home country last year and turned himself in at the U.S. border in April 2024 through a Biden-era entry program. He requested asylum and was permitted to enter the country while he awaited a court date, allowing him to obtain a work permit and driver’s learner permit, according to his lawyers and his mom, Raiza.

He joined his mom and two younger siblings in the Bronx, finding part-time work as a delivery driver to help Raiza scrape together enough money to move the family out of a city-run homeless shelter and into their own apartment.

And even though he had already finished high school in Venezuela, he enrolled in a Bronx high school that caters to older newcomers, determined to continue studying and make it to college.

Dylan’s return: NYC’s first public school student detained by ICE returns to school after 10 months

So when Dylan’s mandatory court date arrived last Wednesday, he and Raiza had little hesitation about showing up in person as instructed in lower Manhattan, assuming it would be a routine check-in, according to Raiza, who asked to use only their first names for fear of retaliation from immigration authorities.

Instead, Raiza said, Dylan, who attended the court hearing without a lawyer, unwittingly relinquished his legal protections and was promptly arrested by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, agents who followed him out of the courtroom and into the courthouse lobby.

Dylan’s arrest was part of a nationwide blitz. In courthouses across the country, government lawyers asked judges to dismiss cases against migrants, then immediately reopened them as “expedited removal” cases — allowing authorities to apprehend their targets on the spot and thrust them into a sped-up deportation process with fewer legal checks, according to lawyers and numerous news reports.

“It seems like a dirty game on their part,” Raiza told Chalkbeat in Spanish. “When someone appears in front of a judge, it’s because they don’t have any criminal record, they want to do the right thing. … The only thing he wants is to study.”

The arrest has sent shockwaves through ELLIS Prep, the tight-knit Bronx high school Dylan attends, and is the first known example of a current New York City public school student detained by ICE during Trump’s second administration, according to several immigration advocates and educators.

At a Bronx school for immigrants, an undocumented teen fights for an education under Trump

ELLIS Prep Principal Norma Vega gathered staff members last Friday to tell them about Dylan. “One of our kids was taken,” she said.

Vega said she’s been heartened by the support Dylan is already receiving and hopes to organize more efforts to fight for his release. “They thought he was easy pickings and [a] nobody … [but] there are a lot of people out there willing to support.”

In a statement in response to a Chalkbeat inquiry and later posted to social media, schools Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos said, “Our hearts go out to the student who was detained by ICE, and we are deeply saddened for their family. While this incident did not occur on school grounds, we want to reassure our families: we will continue to speak out and advocate for the safety, dignity, and rights of all of our students.”

In the five days since he was detained on May 21, Dylan, who suffers from severe stomach issues, has been shuttled between four different states — New Jersey, Texas, Louisiana, and Pennsylvania, according to his lawyers and mom.

As Trump’s deportation campaign grows, a Bronx school and undocumented teen face tough choices

The rapid moves have prevented his lawyers from making contact with him, since it usually takes several days after a transfer to set up a consultation, according to an attorney from the New York Legal Assistance Group, or NYLAG, which is representing Dylan. Raiza, who has spoken to Dylan by phone, said he has not received medical care and has spent most of the time with his hands and feet cuffed.

ICE did not respond to Chalkbeat’s inquiry about Dylan’s case.

A grueling journey leads to more struggle and hope

Dylan’s family is part of a historic wave of migrants arriving in New York City in recent years. Raiza first took her two younger kids — now ages 7 and 10 — through the dangerous Darien Gap in 2023. But she couldn’t afford Dylan’s trip at the time, and he had to undertake the journey on his own a year later.

The experience was traumatic. Dylan was kidnapped in Mexico by the notorious Sinaloa cartel and held for ransom, Raiza said.

Once she secured his release, Dylan entered the country with an appointment through the CBP One App, a Biden-era program recently revoked by Trump that was meant to formalize and streamline the process of entering the country. Dylan was allowed to enter the U.S. while he awaited his first court date, and he applied — without the help of a lawyer — for asylum and for Special Immigration Juvenile Status, a type of legal protection for youth, according to his attorney at NYLAG.

Dylan’s legal status allowed him to qualify for both a work authorization and a driver’s permit, according to his mom. He was able to buy his own e-bike and work part time as a delivery driver.

Life in the U.S. wasn’t easy for his family. His mom worked multiple jobs — including selling chocolate, cleaning apartments, and assisting a carpenter — to help move her family out of the homeless shelter where they were staying in the Bronx. Then Raiza said she almost lost thousands of dollars in an apartment rental scam and only recovered some of it back after threatening to call the police.

Dylan struggled to balance work and school, at one point considering dropping out until the school and Raiza intervened, she said. And most recently, Dylan was struggling with severe bouts of illness that kept him out of school, Raiza added. Dylan was in the process of getting additional medical testing when he was detained, Raiza said.

But despite all of their struggles, Raiza was proud of the life she and her children forged in New York City.

Dylan, third from left, poses with his mom and younger siblings.

“The only thing I want is a better future for them,” said Raiza. “Unfortunately, my country doesn’t lend itself to that.”

All three kids loved their schools. Dylan, a homebody with little interest in partying, took an active role in caring for his younger siblings as Raiza worked long hours. He picked them up from school and corrected their behavior when necessary, she said.

And Dylan, who often wears his black hair shaggy and shoulder-length, won many admirers among staff and students at ELLIS for his shy but kind demeanor. One classmate recalled him freely sharing his arepas, a popular Venezuelan dish of fried cornmeal stuffed with meat or cheese. Dylan used to play Uno at lunch with a group of friends and was interested in learning the guitar in music class, his guidance counselor said.

A court date turns into handcuffs

Normally, a court date like Dylan’s would have been relatively straightforward. But when Dylan and his mom arrived at immigration court at 290 Broadway in lower Manhattan, the government lawyers made an unusual request. They asked the judge to dismiss the deportation proceedings against Dylan, according to his mom and lawyers.

But when Dylan’s deportation proceedings were dismissed, his asylum claim was too, leaving him without legal protection and allowing the government to initiate an expedited removal.

If the family had a lawyer present, they might have been able to oppose the request to dismiss, or might have more fully understood the possible repercussions, said Dylan’s NYLAG attorneys. But Raiza said she had looked in vain for an attorney before the hearing and could not afford a private one.

After Dylan’s case was dismissed, Raiza said two men entered the courtroom and then followed her and Dylan outside and into the elevator.

“When we got out of the elevator, they said, ‘get up against the wall,’” Raiza recalled. Next to them, another girl was screaming while she was detained, recalled Raiza, who was also cuffed initially. She pleaded with the officers that Dylan had no criminal record, and told them she has young kids at home. The officers released Raiza, but took Dylan into an unmarked car, she said.

Raiza and her son Dylan.

The practice of making arrests at courthouses “will cause fear and cause people to be afraid to go to hearings and to assert their right to asylum,” said Dylan’s lawyer, who spoke on the condition of anonymity so as not to jeopardize his case. But missing a court date can also lead to a deportation order, she noted.

The hours after Dylan’s arrest were a blur of activity as Raiza tried in vain to get more information about Dylan’s detention. She called her son’s guidance counselor, Hedin Bernard, at ELLIS Prep, who referred her to a church that could help connect her with legal representation and case management.

Under expedited removal proceedings, which do not require a hearing with a judge, Dylan will have an interview with an asylum officer about whether he has “credible fear” of returning to Venezuela, and his answers could determine whether he has any legal basis to remain in the country. He likely won’t have access to a lawyer during the process, his attorneys said.

That means Dylan will essentially have to start the process of applying for asylum “all over again, but detained and alone,” said his attorney.

According to Raiza, Dylan has no close family left in Venezuela, and she worries that he could be imprisoned by the government if he returns. “This is what I despair about,” she said. “It’s not going to turn out well.”

Dylan’s lawyers said there are multiple reasons his detention and the attempt at expedited removal are legally dubious. There is an ongoing lawsuit challenging whether people who entered the country in the same way as Dylan can be placed in expedited removal. And his lawyers say Dylan has an upcoming hearing in his request for Special Juvenile Immigration Status.

Dylan’s detention has devastated his two elementary-age siblings, who see him as “a dad,” said Raiza.

When Raiza didn’t come home on time the day Dylan was detained, her younger kids began frantically calling. She had to break the news by phone.

“The boy started to cry desperately … they were just asking, ‘when is he going to return?’” she said. “I told them that their brother was taken by ICE, to keep up their faith in God that everything is going to be okay, and that they should pray, because God listens to kids.”

Dylan has put on a brave face during her phone calls with him, Raiza said, but she knows he’s scared.

As for Raiza, her grueling journey to the U.S. has made her fearless about most things. Except for one: “The only thing I’m scared of is something happening to my kids,” she said. “I don’t want to lose my son.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

See how many new teachers your NYC school is getting to reduce class sizes

2025-05-21T19:28:15+00:00

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New York City released a detailed list Tuesday of which public schools are getting money to hire additional teachers to help reduce class sizes next year — and how many they can hire.

In order to give school communities a better sense of what the new hiring push will look like on their campuses, Chalkbeat created a searchable table showing how many new teachers were assigned to each of the 741 schools awarded new teacher funding.

The number of new teachers assigned to schools ranged from a high of 31 at M.S. 158, Marie Curie middle school, in Bayside Queens, to just one additional teacher at more than 60 schools, including the East Village Community School in Manhattan and the Brooklyn Brownstone school.

If a school’s name does not appear in the table, that means that the school either did not apply for the class size reduction funding, or its plan was not approved.

The detailed list comes more than a month after city officials first announced plans to hire some 3,700 new teachers by next fall to help the city comply with the state’s 2022 class size law.

Under the law, 60% of classrooms citywide must meet the caps — which limit classes to between 20 and 25 students depending on the grade level — by next September. As of earlier this school year, roughly 46% of classes were at or below the caps.

To meet next year’s deadline, city officials gave schools the option to apply for additional funding for next year to help lower class sizes. Some 800 schools applied, and about 750 of those plans were approved by a review committee of officials from the Education Department and the teachers and principals unions.

The lion’s share of the new resources will go toward hiring roughly 3,700 additional teachers. Officials said they also allocated some funds to hire new administrators to oversee those extra teachers and to help schools make small space adjustments.

The new teacher hires will come on top of the 4,000-5,000 teachers that the city has to hire in a normal year to replace educators who leave — creating a massive new hiring opportunity and challenge for schools.

That elevated hiring will likely continue for years as new class size deadlines get phased in.

“Accounting for new hires due to class size compliance and our standard annual new hires, [New York City Public Schools] needs to hire over 20,000 teachers between now and September 2028,” officials wrote in a draft class size reduction plan released Tuesday.

Officials recently shared that they expect the new reduction plans to cost more than $400 million. Mayor Eric Adams committed $150 million of that in his executive budget earlier this month, and roughly $241 million will come from increased state aid, city Education Department officials said. City officials are still searching for funding to cover the remaining gap.

The new teacher funding went disproportionately to schools with a lower student poverty rate — likely a reflection of the fact that those schools are more likely to have more classrooms over the caps and therefore need more teachers to lower class sizes.

“We did see more applications for more teachers from schools in our comparatively better-off communities,” Emma Vadehra, the Education Department’s deputy chancellor for operations and finance, told the City Council at a budget hearing on Wednesday. The new teachers “are tending to go more to Queens, south Brooklyn, Staten Island, where schools are farther from compliance, than to some of those higher-need communities.”

Schools in the lowest 25% of student poverty rates citywide are getting 42% of the new teachers, while schools in the highest quartile for student poverty are getting 15% of the new teachers, a Chalkbeat analysis found. (Schools in the lowest student poverty quartile enroll about double the number of students as those in the highest-poverty quartile, so per capita, the difference in new teacher funding is less extreme).

About 58% of schools in the lowest-poverty quartile got some amount of new teacher funding, compared to 34% of schools in the highest-poverty quartile.

Schools in Queens are getting 1,289 of the new teachers, more than the Bronx and Manhattan combined, a Chalkbeat analysis found.

The number of teachers a school is funded for isn’t a guarantee that they’ll hire that many teachers.

Officials said the hiring spree is underway, with fairs happening across many districts. Schools Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos said the Education Department is working with district superintendents to develop plans to market their neighborhoods and schools to prospective teachers. The city is also offering monetary bonuses for teachers who commit early in areas of the city that have historically been harder to staff, she said.

To see how many new teachers your school was assigned, you can search the school’s name in the table below.

Data analysis and table by Thomas Wilburn.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC preschool offers yield waitlists in some neighborhoods, empty seats in others

2025-05-20T22:06:52+00:00

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Over the past week, families of preschoolers got offers to New York City’s sprawling free early childhood education system — and acceptance rate data shared Tuesday by city officials contains a familiar paradox.

Even as the city faces a historic child care affordability crisis, tens of thousands of free seats will likely go vacant once again next school year. Roughly 56,000 students turning 4 by the end of 2025 got offers last week to the city’s pre-K program, which has capacity for roughly 70,000, according to data shared Tuesday by Education Department officials with the City Council. Another 44,000 students turning 3 this year got offers Tuesday for 3-K, which has room for 47,000.

Across the roughly 130,000 total early childhood education seats overseen by the city’s Education Department, only about 70% are currently filled, according to Simone Hawkins, the deputy chancellor for Early Childhood Education.

Officials, advocates and lawmakers point to a number of potential reasons, including a lack of outreach, a drop in the population of young kids, and a mismatch between the location of seats and demand.

“We have to really face the reality that this sector is very much stressed and strained for a variety of reasons,” said Hawkins, who took over as deputy chancellor last July after her predecessor’s rocky two-and-a-half-year tenure. “I do think that outreach is part of the solution. It’s not the whole solution. It’s a matter of really moving seats closer to where the demand lives.”

Despite all those empty seats, thousands of families didn’t get into any of their preferred programs, officials said. Roughly 15% of 3-K applicants, more than 6,000 students, didn’t get into any of the programs they listed on their application and were instead assigned other options by the city — leaving some facing long commutes.

Rebecca Bailin, the executive director of New Yorkers United for Childcare, said her organization has already heard from multiple families concerned that their 3-K offer is too far away or has hours that don’t work.

One family living near the border of Bushwick and Ridgewood was placed in a program roughly 40 minutes away and not easily accessible by train, according to survey results shared with Chalkbeat.

“I can’t get there every morning with a 3 year old, it’s just not feasible,” wrote the parent, who said they would likely have to continue paying for a private program.

City officials noted that this year, unlike last, every family at least got an offer. Some families might get into programs off waitlists over the summer, officials added. And while families can apply for up to 12 programs, about half of the families applying to preschool rank only one or two programs, according to a report commissioned several years ago by the Education Department.

Zachary Nosanchuk, a spokesperson for Mayor Eric Adams, said the mayor’s recent commitment to long-term funding for 3-K is allowing the city for the first time to offer “a seat in 3-K for every child and family who wants one.” City officials will “continue to work with families to ensure every child can attend a program that meets their needs,” he added.

Officials have for years pointed to a misalignment between where seats are located and where there’s demand but have yet to make a major dent in fixing the problem. The rate of filled 3-K seats varies widely across the city — from a low of 61% in District 23 in central Brooklyn to a high of 98% in District 30 in western Queens, according to a recent report from the Independent Budget Office.

Hawkins said the department is constrained by the contracts that govern the city’s relationship with scores of community-based organizations who operate the lion’s share of the 3-K and pre-K programs. She said the city is doing its best to work within those contracts to shift seats to better align with demand, including converting pre-K seats into 3-K seats and shifting seats currently earmarked as full-year seats only for low-income families to school year seats for any family.

In addition, city officials are seeking to shift more of their federally-funded Head Start seats to 0- to 2-year-olds because of growing demand for that age range, they said.

Factors including the cost of housing and the COVID-19 pandemic have also contributed to a shrinking number of young kids in the five boroughs. The population of kids under 5 in New York City shrank by 18% between 2020 and 2023.

But many advocates and lawmakers say the city still has a long way to go in making families who are here aware of the program and how to apply.

“We’ve talked to parents … who didn’t even know about 3-K,” said Bailin. And even though Adams committed to long-term funding to sustain 3-K in this year’s budget, Bailin argued that years of budget uncertainty has hampered the city’s ability to effectively administer the program.

Adams agreed to add $5 million to the fiscal year 2025 budget specifically for outreach, and included the funding again for this year, but not beyond that. It’s one of several education items council members are fighting to get long-term funding for.

Hawkins agreed with suggestions from several council members that the Education Department should embark on a more wholesale reimagining of the early childhood education system.

“It’s not just about opening new seats … it’s not just about the age of seats, but the type of seats and the people who are supporting these children through their learning trajectory,” she said.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Some NY schools turn to virtual learning as Trump deportation fears keep immigrant students home

2025-05-19T19:37:17+00:00

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As President Donald Trump has ramped up deportations, some immigrant students across New York have been too afraid to attend class in person. In response, some school districts have turned to virtual learning, a move the state’s Education Department is sanctioning, officials revealed last week.

“I will tell you in the sense of a crisis, we do have some districts right now … that are taking advantage and providing virtual instruction to our children who are afraid to go to school,” Associate Education Commissioner Elisa Alvarez told state officials at May’s Board of Regents meeting.

Alvarez shared with the board a memo the state Education Department issued in March clarifying that districts have the flexibility to offer online instruction to “students who may be unable or averse to attending school, including during times of political uncertainty.”

The memo further specified schools can tap online learning for immigrant and migrant students “who may be affected and reluctant to attend school in person due to concerns about their personal safety and security.”

Alvarez didn’t disclose how many or which districts were using the approach and for how many students. A state Education Department spokesperson did not respond to follow-up questions.

New York City public schools already have virtual options available and aren’t doing anything different for immigrant students fearful of attending school, a spokesperson for the city’s Education Department said.

Still, the disclosure from state officials highlights the ongoing fears some immigrant students are facing four months into the Trump administration and raises fresh questions about how their school experiences are being affected.

Shortly after taking office, Trump rescinded longstanding guidance barring federal immigration agents from making arrests at “sensitive locations” including schools.

Migrant families staying in New York City shelters expressed acute fears during the week after Trump’s inauguration in January and stayed out of school in large numbers, likely contributing to lower citywide attendance rates that week (though Mayor Eric Adams later downplayed the attendance woes). Some city educators said they’ve seen attendance for immigrant students rebound since that first week.

City policy prohibits federal law enforcement agents, including Immigration and Customs Enforcement, from entering schools without a warrant signed by a judge, and Education Department officials have trained school staff on detailed protocols for how to respond.

At the state level, the Attorney General’s office and Education Department issued joint guidance in March reiterating that state and federal law both compel districts to only permit federal law enforcement to enter schools under very limited circumstances.

Many school leaders have worked hard to communicate those policies and reassure anxious families. And immigration enforcement inside of schools has remained rare.

But some high-profile raids have targeted school-age children, including one in the upstate New York hometown of Trump border czar Tom Homan that swept up three students in the local public schools, sparking fear and outrage. And there have been reports across the country of parents detained by immigration agents right outside schools during drop-off time.

Under those circumstances, virtual learning could give schools a way to keep up some connection with students or families who might otherwise completely disengage.

But some New York City educators said they’re still working hard to convince fearful immigrant students to come to school in person, noting that virtual learning was especially challenging for English language learners during the COVID pandemic.

Lara Evangelista, the executive director of the Internationals Network, which oversees 17 public schools in the five boroughs catering exclusively to newly arrived immigrant students, said none of her schools have made the “purposeful choice” to engage fearful students through virtual learning.

“Virtual learning for [English Learners] was really challenging during COVID,” she said.

Alan Cheng, the superintendent who oversees the international schools as well as the city’s dedicated virtual schools, said he hasn’t seen any significant changes in enrollment or interest in online learning due to fear of in-person attendance among immigrant students.

And while virtual learning might be able to offer a version of the academic experience of in-person school, it’s harder for it to replicate some of the other services that schools provide families.

“Our schools serve much more than just the academic environment,” Cheng said. “They are really community schools, they provide health care, they provide plenty of other resources.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Backlash over culture wars brings new energy to NYC’s parent council elections

2025-05-09T21:56:31+00:00

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During the last Community Education Council elections in 2023, Manhattan parent Joseph Wallace was barely aware of the existence of his local parent council — much less who served on it or what happened during meetings.

That changed over the next two years as the council in Manhattan’s District 2, which runs from the lower tip of the borough to the Upper East Side, dove headlong into the culture wars consuming school boards across the country.

In early 2024, two council members spoke at a Manhattan town hall for the right-wing national parent group Moms for Liberty. Several months later, the council passed a resolution calling on the city Education Department to reconsider its policy allowing transgender girls to join girls sports teams, sparking months of sustained protest and media attention.

Both efforts — surprising for a parent group in deep blue Manhattan — were spurred by council members linked to the influential and polarizing local education advocacy group Parent Leaders for Accelerated Curriculum and Education, or PLACE, whose co-founder Maud Maron is a current member of the council and is running for re-election.

“What has upset me most is I thought it was kind of this innocuous council, and it turns out people are waging culture wars,” said Wallace, a parent at P.S. 51 in Hell’s Kitchen.

PLACE – which launched in 2019 to defend selective admissions policies and whose leaders have embraced efforts to rid schools of “gender ideology” and critical race theory – maintains the group is apolitical and interested primarily in rigorous education. But in New York City, as in districts across the country, national partisan political fights have increasingly made their way into local education debates, sharpening divides between parents.

District 2 CEC members Maud Maron (third from left) and Charles Love (second from right) at a Moms for Liberty event in January, 2024 on Manhattan's Upper East Side.

Now, with a new CEC election cycle underway through May 13, there are signs of a growing backlash against what some parents see as an alarming rightward shift in the city’s education councils, spurred by PLACE’s success in propelling its preferred candidates into seats in 2021 and 2023.

In District 2, Wallace is part of an energetic movement to unseat PLACE candidates, with two organizing groups springing up this election cycle. Other efforts to counter PLACE-backed candidates have emerged in Brooklyn and Queens, and the progressive advocacy group Alliance for Quality Education endorsed candidates for the first time. Even PLACE seems to be feeling the shifting winds — making the surprise move not to endorse Maron, the parent leader who put the group on the map.

Maron’s response to being left off the group’s list: “Trans activists scare a lot of people into taking cowardly positions. Appeasement never works and I don’t scare so easily,” she wrote in an email.

Across the city, 1,346 candidates have tossed their hats in the ring for council seats, up from 1,107 in 2023, according to the Education Department. And parent leaders in multiple districts told Chalkbeat they’re seeing more energy and interest than ever before in this year’s CEC elections — propelled both by local concerns and urgent fears over the Trump administration’s efforts to target transgender and immigrant students, and efforts to cut federal funding for high-poverty schools.

“In this political climate, it’s very easy to feel powerless over a lot of things, and I just felt like this was something I don’t have to feel powerless over,” said Leila Colbert, a District 2 candidate.

Obstacles to voter turnout remain

It remains to be seen how effective or widespread the effort to challenge PLACE-backed candidates will be. CEC elections have notoriously low-turnout. In 2023, only 2% of eligible parents voted. Wealthier areas, like District 2, where parents have the savvy and wherewithal to navigate the voting process tend to see higher voter participation.

There are Community Education Councils for each of New York City’s 32 local districts, as well as four citywide councils, representing high schools, students learning English as a second language, and students with disabilities.

The councils are largely advisory but have the power to approve zoning decisions and can serve as a public platform and point of access to decisionmakers.

Councils in some districts, particularly in more conservative areas like western Queens and southern Brooklyn, are almost entirely composed of PLACE-backed candidates and opposition groups are supporting few challengers.

But the local anti-PLACE movement is getting a boost from the same political energy that has powered backlashes against conservative school board candidates in other parts of the country and the recent groundswell of progressive candidates entering local races to push back against Trump.

“We’ve been seeing it over the last really year-plus, and there’s reason to suspect that it will continue to snowball in the upcoming batch of CEC elections… especially in CEC 2,” said Jonathan Collins, a professor of political science and education at Columbia University Teachers College.

Amid that backlash, PLACE leaders are making a concerted effort to pull back from hot-button political issues. PLACE co-president Yiatin Chu said the decision not to endorse Maron, who is also running as a Republican for Manhattan District Attorney, was driven by wanting to reduce some of the “distractions” that created dysfunction in the District 2 council.

“With so much noise and culture wars on the national stage and in the city, it becomes distractions for what we’re trying to do,” Chu said. “Once you start veering into other issues … it’s not helpful for our advocacy.”

Maron, who was removed from the council by former schools Chancellor David Banks in 2024 for misconduct but reinstated after she sued the city, defended her “proven track record of protecting merit-based academics in NYC public schools and supporting District 2 families.”

“Improving the math curriculum does not conflict with addressing the harms of hormonal and surgical interventions, misleadingly called ‘gender-affirming care,’ or standing up for female student athletes’ rights to same sex sports,” she added, referring to medical treatment for transgender youth backed by the American Academy of Pediatrics.

Other former PLACE leaders running for re-election also sought to distance themselves from Maron and the issues and groups she has embraced.

Craig Slutzkin, CEC 2 president and a former PLACE officer who is among the primary targets of the anti-PLACE organizing in District 2, wrote in an open letter that he has “never been a member of the MAGA movement” and is “not affiliated with Moms for Liberty.”

PLACE is “very, very narrowly focused on rigorous education” and “want[s] nothing to do” with the transgender sports issue, said Deborah Alexander, a candidate for the Citywide Council on High Schools, and a former long-time PLACE officer. “Personally, I would not remain in PLACE if that’s what PLACE was about,” she added, noting she has transgender and nonbinary family members.

Some critics have also questioned why many of PLACE’s former officers, including Alexander and Slutzkin, don’t mention their PLACE affiliation in official CEC candidate bios. Both Slutzkin and Alexander said they consider their PLACE advocacy separate from their CEC roles. Alexander, who is running as a Bronx representative to the Citywide Council on High Schools, added that she doesn’t think “the constituency of the Bronx has any idea who PLACE is particularly. Our reach doesn’t really go there much as much as we’ve tried.”

PLACE’s efforts to create distance from the transgender sports resolution — which was purely advisory and swiftly rejected by the Education Department — ring hollow to many critics.

“I think they’re trying to change the optics but I don’t think much has changed in the hearts and minds of PLACE,” said Gavin Healy, a current District 2 council member who voted against the transgender sports resolution.

PLACE is still endorsing six District 2 CEC members, including Slutzkin, who voted with Maron in support of the transgender sports resolution, along with the other council member who spoke at the Moms for Liberty event.

A new opposition emerges in District 2

Megan Madison, a children’s book author, said she first became aware of District 2’s CEC when one of its PLACE-endorsed members challenged the inclusion of a book she wrote about race in a central Education Department curriculum.

But she stepped up her involvement after the council passed its transgender sports resolution in March 2024, sensing an opportunity to tap into growing energy around defending transgender rights.

A group that called itself the “Aunties” began flooding council meetings, sometimes with hundreds of members, and accompanied by well-known figures like actor Elliot Page. Protesters speak during public comment, wave colorful banners, and sometimes drown out council members with chants and songs.

Over time, the protests morphed into a more organized effort to unseat Maron and other PLACE-backed candidates. Madison, who is not a public school parent, was shocked at the low levels of engagement and turnout in the last CEC election and saw room to bring in new voters.

Council members display a transgender flag at a District 2 CEC meeting in March, 2024.

The group has amassed a listserv in the thousands and got 60 volunteers to canvas and post flyers, Madison said. In recent weeks, another grassroots group called Families for Change NYC emerged to challenge PLACE-backed candidates. The group, which describes itself as a loose coalition of more than 75 parents and community members seeking candidates who represent the views of “ordinary parents,” has not disclosed the names of its members out of fear of harassment — a decision that sparked criticism from PLACE co-president Chu.

As the campaigning in the district has picked up, so has the dysfunction in the District 2 council. The body is often unable to pass resolutions, roiled by partisan splits, council members shouting over each other, and accusations that the protests have turned into harassment. Some members left meetings early, sparking accusations that they are trying to prevent votes.

The problems caught the attention of Congress members Jerrold Nadler and Dan Goldman, who, along with nine state and local elected officials, penned a letter last month urging the city Education Department to crack down on behavior that “violates the public trust, and disregards the basic principles of good governance and transparency.”

Slutzkin, the council president, said there is no mechanism to prevent members from leaving early, and that the elected officials’ letter contained multiple falsehoods.

He’s been appalled by some of the campaign tactics of PLACE opponents, including plastering dozens of flyers with a picture of his face around his child’s school, Slutzkin said. The Education Department office overseeing the elections sent a message last week saying that flyers “that disparage candidates, and which are placed near schools … represent a serious erosion of the fairness and integrity of the election process.”

Madison said the Aunties have tried to steer clear of personal attacks, but being on a council means being “public about your politics and therefore accountable to the public.”

Beyond the results of the election, Madison sees the publicity the group has generated — along with PLACE’s decision not to endorse Maron — as a sign that “we’re winning, little by little.”

District 2 campaign echoes citywide

While the energy of the PLACE opposition is concentrated in District 2, it has also reverberated in other parts of the city.

In District 30 in Jackson Heights, Queens, a group of parents called “D30 Parents Protecting Trans Children” organized to endorse a slate of candidates, motivated by what happened in District 2 and fears about the federal efforts to target transgender kids, said Hallie Iiannoli, one of the leaders.

One of the current members of the District 30 council who was endorsed by PLACE in 2023 and again this year asked PLACE to remove her from their list because she didn’t want to be associated with the District 2 resolution on transgender kids and sports.

“I know they’re strong on Gifted and Talented, which I’m strong on too. What I don’t believe in is being against trans [children],” said the council member, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because she didn’t want to speak publicly about endorsements.

In Brooklyn’s District 15, a long-running group called D15 Parents for Middle School Equity endorsed a slate of PLACE challengers for the second time, including in the Citywide Council for High Schools, or CCHS, which has become a stronghold for PLACE-backed candidates in recent elections.

Reyhan Mehran, the group’s founder, said she’s seen increased engagement during this election cycle, driven by the “outrageousness of what happened in CEC 2,” but is skeptical that there will be any major changes in the voting outcomes.

Julia Watson, a spokesperson for Alliance for Quality Education, said in an email the group decided to endorse this year “because of the harm we’ve seen in the past couple years when there are people in office that do not have all the kids’ best interest in mind.”

Debbie Kross, a former PLACE officer and current president of the CCHS, said the idea of running to unseat PLACE candidates because of concerns about what happened in District 2 or in an effort to push back against the Trump administration is both wrongheaded and naive.

“They’re just running out of spite,” she said.

“If the hope of these people is they’re gonna run and they’re gonna fight Trump, I mean, good luck,” she added. “Because we don’t have any of that power.”

But Madison, the organizer in District 2, said that while it’s true the CECs have limited power, diminishing their importance “has functioned to decrease engagement.”

PLACE itself has built influence and political power through its success in CEC elections, she added. “I think it does matter.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

New York’s cellphone ban: Exemptions, enforcement, and costs explained

2025-05-06T21:29:49+00:00

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There are still many questions about what New York’s recently passed statewide “bell-to-bell” student cellphone ban will look like across New York City’s 1,600 public schools.

Under the policy, announced last week as part of the budget deal between Gov. Kathy Hochul and the state legislature, districts have until August to craft their own plans for how to store phones, enforce the ban, and pay for it.

But some details came into focus Tuesday as state officials released additional information.

Among the asterisks in the state policy: Students who need their phones for language translation or caregiving responsibilities may qualify for exemptions. Phones without internet access are still allowed. And despite the “bell-to-bell” label, schools that allow students off campus for lunch — a relatively common practice for New York City high schools (and even some middle schools) — can give students their phones when they’re out of the building.

Schools Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos said during a January interview with the radio station WBAI that she supports collecting student cellphones and did so when she was a high school principal, but enforcing a citywide ban is complicated.

“The journey between a great concept and implementation is sometimes a long one,” she said.

Here’s what we know — and don’t yet know — about what the state policy will mean in the nation’s largest school system:

When and where does the ban apply?

At its most basic, the “bell-to-bell” approach means “no cellphones in a child’s hand from the moment they enter school until they leave,” Hochul said.

The ban applies to all public and charter schools across the state.

The ban covers any personal devices that connect to the internet, a state spokesperson said, including personal laptops, tablets, and smart watches. School-issued devices are exempt.

What about lunch and non-classroom time?

Hochul was insistent that keeping phones out of students’ hands not just during class time, but during lunch, free periods, and between classes is a critical piece of the policy.

Allowing students to keep their phones during those times would have “defeated the purpose” of the policy, she said at a press conference Tuesday alongside state teachers union officials, parent advocates and students.

“You had that distraction … sitting in their pocket that you could whip out during lunch or study hall. They would never even talk to another student during study hall or lunch,” she said.

In New York City, some schools that collect phones during the school day allow students to retrieve their devices when they leave campus for lunch. A spokesperson for Hochul confirmed that arrangement is permitted under the state law, which only applies to student cellphone use on school grounds.

One city principal, however, noted that redistributing and collecting phones during lunch would require additional staff.

How are schools supposed to collect phones?

The policy gives schools the freedom to come up with their own approach. Many New York City schools have turned to Yondr, a company that produces magnetized pouches that students carry to store their phones in during the school day, and schools can unlock at the end of the day. (Some teenagers have figured out how to open the pouches.)

Other common storage systems include cubbies and bins.

Policies in which individual classroom teachers collect phones at the start of the class period and return them at the end appear to violate the state policy.

How much is this going to cost, and who’s paying?

In the final budget deal, state officials set aside $13.5 million to help districts implement the ban. But New York City officials are predicting much higher costs.

In budget documents released last week, the city’s Office of Management and Budget projected that implementing the ban will cost $25 million, which it said was based on the costs of pouches.

Public schools in the five boroughs have historically had to dip into their own budgets to purchase cellphone storage systems, which can cost up to $30 a student. Some school administrators also expect to spend more on staffing costs to implement their collection systems.

Are there exceptions to the ban?

Yes. State officials said the smartphone ban will not apply to students who need their device to manage a medical condition, whose Individual Education Programs or IEPs mandate access to their device, who need it for academic or other “legitimate” purposes including “translation, family caregiving and emergencies.”

At some city schools, those categories may cover a substantial chunk of the student body. One principal of a transfer school for older students who have struggled in traditional high schools said many students rely on cellphones to juggle adult responsibilities like caring for their own children or coordinating full-time jobs.

The principal, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, worried that the process of awarding exemptions could become subjective and contentious with students.

The ban also only applies to internet-enabled devices, so students can still bring cellphones that don’t have internet access.

How will it be enforced?

Individual districts will come up with their own enforcement plans. But the state law contains some safeguards, including “monitoring of disparate enforcement and a prohibition on suspensions solely for a violation of the internet-enabled device policy,” said a Hochul spokesperson. State officials will require districts to report regularly on disciplinary action related to the cellphone ban, the spokesperson added.

The possibility that enforcing the ban could result in additional conflicts between students and educators — and in consequences that disproportionately fall on students already more likely to get tangled up in school discipline — has been a major concern of some skeptics of the policy.

What about when parents need to reach kids?

The policy mandates that schools “give parents a way to contact their kids during the day when necessary.”

Former schools Chancellor David Banks said when he began talking to schools about cellphone use, he quickly discovered that parents and guardians were often contacting their kids during school hours. Some parents have raised concerns about being able to contact their kids in the event of an emergency like a school shooting, though Hochul said she’s heard from law enforcement that students having access to their phones during emergencies could actually pose more safety risks.

State Education Commissioner Betty Rosa also raised concerns shortly after the inauguration of President Donald Trump that banning phones at schools may pose communication challenges for immigrant students who want to stay in touch with their family members at a time of heightened deportation fears.

Districts and schools must consult families while crafting their plans, state officials said.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Literacy support, HBCU classes, health care careers: 7 new schools coming to NYC

2025-05-05T23:33:19+00:00

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A new literacy-focused academy in central Brooklyn to help struggling readers. A health care-focused high school partnering with a hospital system in Queens. The city’s first-ever high school to offer early college classes through a historically Black institution.

Those are among the seven new public schools slated to open next year in New York City, part of a multiyear flurry of openings that city officials hope will reinvigorate the system at a time of faltering enrollment.

“Our new school strategy is designed to directly address that challenge,” Education Department First Deputy Chancellor Dan Weisberg told reporters Monday at the Education Department’s downtown headquarters kickoff event. “This is really trying to be responsive to community need.”

The principals set up display tables stocked with flyers and trinkets related to their school’s specialties, which reflect some of the city’s biggest education priorities and challenges.

The Central Brooklyn Literacy Academy in Crown Heights is part of a larger push to revamp the way city public schools teach literacy and identify and support students with dyslexia. Several others are designed to equip students with specific skills and credentials to enter the workforce,part of a larger effort to rethink how schools should prepare students for life after graduation. Another geared towards newly arrived immigrants comes on the heels of a historic influx of migrant students whom the city’s education system is still straining to accommodate.

Officials have launched 16 new schools over the past two years — a pace that comes with some risk as the city is still reeling from the loss of roughly 100,000 K-12 students since the 2019-2020 school year. Many schools are struggling to sustain enough enrollment to even stay viable.

But officials say the new schools can boost enrollment citywide by attracting families who may have otherwise left the system.

“We are bringing students back into the New York City public school system,” said Asya Johnson, the principal of HBCU Early College Prep, set to open in Southeast Queens in the fall. “There are students who applied from Catholic schools, private schools, and parochial schools … We are a direct indication of what’s possible.”

Here are the schools set to open next year and how they fit into the city’s educational landscape:

Bronx STEAM Center:

Based on the Brooklyn program with the same name, the Bronx STEAM Center offers 11th and 12th graders at 10 partner schools specialized training in careers like health care and cybersecurity. Students will split their time between their home school and the Bronx STEAM center, which is equipped with specialized facilities and staff.

Students apply to the program in 10th grade and must be enrolled in “accelerated coursework” at their current school. Buses will shuttle students between their home school and the Bronx STEAM Center, and students will receive diplomas from both schools, said principal Maha Hasen.

Central Brooklyn Literacy Academy:

The bumpy road to opening the Central Brooklyn Literacy Academy showcases both the promise and pitfalls of the city’s new school efforts. To secure space for the literacy academy, city officials proposed closing M.S. 394, a shrinking traditional public school in Crown Heights, sparking intense pushback from that school’s families and educators that delayed the approval process by several months.

But supporters of the Literacy Academy, which offers specialized instruction for students lagging several grades behind in reading, say it’s sorely needed. The academy, modeled on a similar program that launched two years ago in the South Bronx, is an effort to offer the kind of tailored literacy instruction that has often historically been confined to private schools disproportionately accessible to wealthier families.

As part of the compromise that led to the school’s approval, Education Department officials agreed to give priority at the Literacy Academy to students from M.S. 394 as well as those from several surrounding districts. Students do not need to have a learning disability to enroll — and 60% don’t — said parent leader Naomi Peña.

Principal Jason Borges acknowledged that the rocky approval process has been a challenge, but said the school is working hard to recruit and staff up by this fall.

“It’s all cylinders at once,” he said.

HBCU Early College Prep High School:

The first-of-its-kind school in southeast Queens is among a growing number of early college programs that allows students to earn college credits and leave high school with an associate degree. The school will partner with Delaware State, a historically Black college, and expose students to the “rich traditions of an HBCU” by matching them with faculty mentors and setting up frequent visits, according to the school’s flyer.

The school, which admitted roughly 100 students to its inaugural class, screens applicants based on their middle school grades, two essay questions, and a video. The school is part of an effort by former schools Chancellor David Banks to open more “academically accelerated” schools in historically underserved neighborhoods. The school got roughly 1,000 applications for its inaugural class, Johnson said.

“The Southeast Queens community demanded to have a school like this, and they deserve it,” she said.

Middle School of Innovation:

The Middle School of Innovation will focus on technology and weave artificial intelligence into its curriculum, said principal Eileen Herusso, whose display table featured a virtual reality headset, turntable, and video game consoles.

Herusso said the middle school, located in Brooklyn’s chronically overcrowded District 21, will bring some of the specialized technology usually found in high schools to a younger crowd.

Banks, despite initial skepticism, became a vocal supporter of exploring the application of artificial intelligence in schools, teasing a sweeping plan that has yet to come to fruition.

Northwell School of Health Sciences:

City officials have been promoting the opening of the Northwell School of Health Sciences for more than a year.

Located in a gleaming new facility in Woodside, Queens, the school is supported by a $25 million startup grant from Bloomberg Philanthropies to launch what officials say is a pathbreaking partnership between a city public high school and a major health care system.

Students can graduate with credentials that allow them to start work right after high school in roles like medical assistant, but many will also go on to college and higher degrees, said principal Erika Hurtado-Valentino.

Students will also get access to paid internships, and eligible graduates will get guaranteed job interviews at Northwell, school officials said. Banks touted the school as a crown jewel in his efforts to expand career and technical education citywide, efforts his successor, Melissa Aviles-Ramos, has continued.

Admission to the school is unscreened, though students living in Queens get priority. The inaugural class is expected to be between 200 and 225 students.

Queens International High School:

A part of the Internationals Network of public schools geared toward newly arrived immigrants, Queens International High School will be the first such school run from sixth to 12th grade. It’s also the first international middle school in Queens, the borough that’s absorbed the largest share of the roughly 48,000 newcomers who have arrived since summer 2022, according to city officials.

Starting in sixth grade will allow the school to begin work on language acquisition earlier than other international schools and put students in a good position to either continue on at the school in ninth grade or apply to other high schools, said principal Elizabeth Demchak, who previously founded and led Claremont International High School in the Bronx. Students who entered the country in the last five years are eligible to enroll.

The school’s approval wasn’t without friction. Parents from the I.S. 77, located in the same building, protested that opening the new school will strain building resources and draw students away from I.S. 77, which offers a Spanish dual language program.

Staten Island Rise Academy P.S. 89:

A K-8 school for students with autism and other complex disabilities, Staten Island Rise Academy is the first such public school to open in the borough in decades, said principal Denise D’Anna.

The school is a part of the city’s District 75 for schools that serve students with complex disabilities. Officials have pushed to open more District 75 schools in recent years to cut down on the often hours-long school bus commutes students in the district face to get to schools that can meet their needs.

D’Anna, who started her career as a school bus driver, said the new school will “alleviate a lot of the time that our students are sitting on buses and having to travel, making it easier for families to be … a part of the school.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

NYC faces child care voucher crisis as state funding stalls

2025-05-05T18:46:55+00:00

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New York City has stopped enrolling low-income families in a popular child care voucher program because of a funding shortfall in the state budget, city officials said on Monday.

Costs for the state-funded Child Care Assistance Program are soaring in the five boroughs, driven by booming enrollment and an increase in the value of the voucher to meet the rising costs of child care. The vouchers provide an average of $300 a week to defray child care costs.

This confluence of factors is creating a yawning budget shortfall that experts place at nearly a billion dollars for next year.

Gov. Kathy Hochul’s initial budget proposal included no funding increase for the program, prompting city officials to warn they would have to kick thousands of families a month off the program.

In last week’s final budget deal between Hochul and the state legislature — which still has not been officially released — state officials offered $350 million in funding for the city’s voucher program contingent on the city putting up the same amount, according to city officials.

But on Monday, top officials in Mayor Eric Adams’ administration called that proposal a nonstarter and said they would have to take immediate steps to cut program costs.

“Sadly, the state’s proposed budget provides insufficient funding for its own program, so we are unable to enroll any new eligible applicants seeking such vouchers beginning today,” First Deputy Mayor Randy Mastro told reporters on Monday. A dozen counties across the state have paused new enrollment because of the funding shortfall, he noted.

“This is a step we did not want to have to take,” he said.

Given that the budget documents haven’t yet been published, city officials hope there might be room for some changes.

“There is still time,” Mastro said.

For now, the city will continue recertifying families who are already in the program, Mastro said. But officials did not foreclose the possibility of taking vouchers away from families in the future if additional funding doesn’t come through.

The city will continue to enroll new families who qualify for cash assistance and are legally required to receive the vouchers, officials said.

Nearly 80,000 city children received vouchers last year. The majority of those recipients, roughly 56,000, qualified through a newly expanded program for low-income vouchers available to families making under 85% of the state median income, or about $108,000 for a family of four, according to an analysis from The New School.

The remaining 22,000 vouchers went to children whose families receive cash assistance — a number expected to rise sharply starting this year with the expiration of COVID-era waivers allowing families to qualify for cash assistance without work requirements. Analysts and city officials predict the waivers’ end will create a surge in employment among families receiving cash assistance. The state is also required to provide child care vouchers for those families. The New School report estimated the number of such families needing vouchers would triple to 66,000 by March 2026.

That growth — combined with the increased value of the vouchers — is expected to create a major financial crunch for the program. City officials have said they may need to remove between 4,000 and 7,000 families a month from the program without increased funding.

There are typically thousands of new applicants each month for the child care vouchers, officials said. They are being placed on a waitlist.

Hochul spokesperson Avery Cohen argued it’s the city’s responsibility to increase spending, noting the city’s contribution has remained “relatively flat” for 25 years and makes up only 6% of the billion-dollar budget for the program.

“This status quo is unsustainable, and if we are serious about providing comprehensive, affordable child care for working families, then these costs must be a shared responsibility between the City and the State,” she wrote in an email.

City officials firmly rejected that argument Monday, contending that the program has always been the state’s responsibility, and that the state has explicitly encouraged the kind of rapid growth driving the increasing costs of the city’s program.

“Historically, the state encouraged counties to get rid of their backlog,” said newly appointed Deputy Mayor for Health and Human Services Suzanne Miles-Gustave, who previously led the state office that administers the child care voucher program. “New York City followed instructions — they got rid of their backlog.”

Some counties were reluctant to do that, fearing the state might not deliver additional funding, leaving them “holding the bag,” Miles-Gustave said. “That is the fear we are realizing right now.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Eric Adams touts after-school, child care investments in executive budget proposal

2025-05-01T23:15:58+00:00

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Education and youth were front and center in Mayor Eric Adams’ executive budget proposal Thursday as he touted plans to boost spending on child care and after-school programs.

Overall, Adams’ $115.1 billion executive budget proposes roughly $18.3 billion in city funding for the Education Department’s operating budget. That’s a roughly $670 million increase over the city’s education spending this fiscal year and $4.7 billion more than the city allocated in 2019, according to budget documents — increases that have kept the city’s education budget growing as federal aid diminished.

Several of the big ticket items, including reversing plans to let early childhood education funding expire and expanding investment in after-school programs, were already publicized in the days and weeks leading up to Thursday’s executive budget. Officials also committed to supporting several other education programs initially funded by one-time federal aid, which was set to expire this year, and promised funding to boost teacher hiring to shrink class sizes.

“No one will feel the impact more than our students because this is the best budget ever for families and young people,” Adams said during his budget address at Bayside High School in Queens, his alma mater.

Leaders of the City Council, who will negotiate with Adams in the coming months to adopt a final budget, had called for roughly $800 million in new education spending, and said Thursday’s announcement was a good start but only came after sustained pushback from the council and advocates. The final budget is due by the end of June.

“This is how the budget process should work, but it’s disappointing that it took three years for this administration to become tired of being entirely on the wrong side of doing right by New Yorkers,” said Council Speaker Adrienne Adams, a Queens Democrat who is running against Adams for mayor, and Finance Committee Chair Justin Brannan, a Brooklyn Democrat, in a joint statement.

Other city officials questioned whether Adams’ executive budget adequately took into account threats to the city’s budget and economy at the state and federal level.

“Eric Adams’ Executive Budget is from a fantasyland where Trump’s tariffs aren’t increasing the likelihood of an economic downturn and federal budget cuts aren’t looming,” said Comptroller Brad Lander, who is also running for mayor.

Office of Management and Budget director Jacques Jiha countered that the city’s reserves are at record levels and the city’s revenue projections are appropriately conservative.

After-school and child care get big investments

Several of the biggest spending proposals in the executive budget are efforts to shore up child care programs at a time when the city’s increasing unaffordability for families continues to be a major issue in the mayoral race.

Adams previously announced that he would reverse plans to let $112 million for the city’s free preschool program for 3-year-olds — and another $55 million for special education preschool seats — expire at the end of this fiscal year. Adams also announced Thursday that he will continue funding a program providing child care vouchers to undocumented families at $25 million a year, though the City Council has asked for more.

Earlier this week, Adams unveiled a plan he said will set the city on a path to universal after-school care. The plan proposes adding 5,000 K-5 after-school seats by this fall and another 15,000 by fall 2027. Officials said they will conduct a needs assessment in 2027 to see how many additional seats are needed to reach universality and re-bid contracts to improve payment rates for after-school providers. All told, the expansion will cost roughly $331 million a year by 2027, according to budget documents.

Federal and state threats loom

Despite the increase in education spending, budget officials acknowledged some looming threats and uncertainties at both the state and federal level.

A final state budget still hasn’t been officially released a month after the due date, though Gov. Kathy Hochul sketched the outlines of the deal earlier this week. That deal will include a statewide “bell-to-bell” school cellphone ban — a mandate budget officials said would cost the city about $25 million and “have a negative impact on the City’s financial plan.” Officials said the figure was based on Education Department estimates for purchasing cellphone pouches and other implementation costs. But officials did not yet know how much financial support to expect from the state.

Other state threats include a likely change to the school funding formula that would deliver the city roughly $350 million less than the current formula and a gaping budget shortfall for a popular child care voucher program. The state budget deal is unlikely to provide the funding necessary to keep families from losing access to the vouchers, but Adams is continuing to lobby the state to fill the gap, the New York Daily News reported.

Adams told reporters Thursday that the program is still facing a $300 million budget gap.

“No one is talking about the shortchanging of New York City on the state level,” he said.

Budget officials also acknowledged that threats from the Trump administration to cut off federal funding for school districts offering certain diversity, equity, and inclusion programs — currently on hold because of legal challenges — jeopardizes $2 billion for city schools that could result in “staffing reductions, increased class sizes, and cuts to after-school and support programs.”

Some relief for programs propped up by federal COVID dollars

Some education programs previously funded by one-time federal COVID relief money and on the chopping block for next year were given a reprieve in Thursday’s budget.

Those include Project Pivot, a priority of former Chancellor David Banks that gives schools money to work with community-based organizations to prevent violence, which will get $15 million in this and future budgets, according to budget documents.

Other programs getting long-term funding commitments include arts education, computer science courses, and a tutoring program.

A program to provide additional support for students experiencing mental health crises will get $5 million for next year but no commitment beyond that, according to advocates.

Increased teacher hiring budget comes into focus

Thursday’s budget announcement also provided the first clues about how much the city will spend on its upcoming teacher hiring blitz to comply with the state’s class size law.

Adams previously announced that schools will get additional money to hire some 3,700 extra teachers on top of normal hiring for next school year, but officials have been tight-lipped about how much that will cost and where the money is coming from.

According to budget documents released Thursday, the city will commit $150 million for extra teacher hiring this year and $200 million annually in future years. Budget officials said state funding will be “reflected later” but didn’t clarify how much they expect and whether that will be in addition to or instead of the city’s contribution. Union officials said the state money will be in addition to the city funds, but that the precise amount is still unclear.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

‘Technical issues’ take NYC parent council elections offline on first day of voting

2025-04-25T19:22:27+00:00

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Just hours into the first day of voting for New York City’s elected parent councils, Education Department officials took the system offline to fix “technical issues,” a spokesperson said.

It wasn’t immediately clear what officials were fixing. But on Friday multiple parents reported glitches and mistakes in the online voting system, including parents appearing on ballots for seats for which they are not running.

As of early Friday afternoon, a message on the online voting page said “voting has been paused, as there are updates being made to the site. We are hopeful to resume this afternoon.”

The setback was frustrating for some Community Education Council candidates who said they’ve been working hard to remind parents to vote and help them troubleshoot, and worry that the technical glitches Friday will make an already complicated process that much more difficult.

“It’s just extremely disappointing because we’ve been working so hard to have our school parent community be involved in this process,” said Alejandro Epifanio Torres, an elementary school parent running for the council in District 1 on the Lower East Side of Manhattan.

During the last election cycle in 2023, only 19,000 parents — or 2% of eligible voters — cast their ballots in the council election. A 2023 Chalkbeat investigation found mismanagement of both outreach and voting administration during the last council elections.

Department spokesperson Onika Richards said a vendor was addressing the “technical issues” with voting. “In the interest of ensuring a fair and accurate process, we have temporarily paused voting,” Richards said. “We are working diligently to resolve any issues by this afternoon, and we expect to resume voting promptly thereafter.”

Debbie Kross, the parent of a high school student in the Bronx who is running as the Bronx borough representative for the Citywide Council on High Schools said when she logged in to vote this morning, she discovered that her name appeared on both the Bronx and Brooklyn ballots.

“I wrote to them immediately and said, ‘remove me,’” she said. Kross said she hadn’t heard back as of early Friday afternoon.

Even though she’s technically eligible to be a Brooklyn representative since she has a child in school there, Kross said she didn’t indicate that she wanted to run there and doesn’t “know anything about Brooklyn schools … I don’t think I would be a good representative.”

Gavin Healy, a council member in Manhattan’s District 2, said he heard widespread complaints from parents about the voting process.

The advocacy group Parent Leaders for Accelerated Curriculum and Education, known as PLACE, sent a press release just before 10 a.m. Friday urging the city to pause the voting process because of “incorrect ballots.”

The Education Department emailed parents shortly after 10 a.m. to notify them the elections were paused — just minutes after sending a reminder to vote, according to screenshots obtained by Chalkbeat.

Education Department officials didn’t immediately say how many parents voted before the site was taken offline and whether they would have to recast their ballots.

Voting remains open until May 13, though it wasn’t immediately clear whether the Education Department would extend that window. Parents vote through their New York City Schools Account, or NYCSA, and can cast ballots for up to three candidates.

Votes for the city’s district-based Community Education Councils and its citywide councils are held every two years. The elected volunteers on the councils have few formal powers outside of voting to approve rezoning proposals, but play an important role in communicating with district officials and representing parents in policy debates.

In recent years, the councils have waded into charged political issues, passing advisory resolutions on sports policy for transgender students and protections for students against President Donald Trump’s executive orders.

Friday’s voting snag comes after critics have repeatedly raised concerns about the city Education Department’s management of the elections. Last November, city Comptroller Brad Lander issued a set of recommendations to improve the election process by shoring up outreach and setting clearer rules for campaigning.

Fivel Rothberg, who until recently worked as an outreach consultant supporting the CEC elections, said the entire concept of relying on NYCSA accounts for voting was “doomed to fail” regardless of glitches because some parents struggle to access them.

“Parents and guardians already have so much on their plate,” he said. “The NYCSA system created one more twisted maze for everyone to navigate in an already complex bureaucracy.”

Healy said the fact that problems continued at the start of this election cycle was unsurprising.

“I do wish at some point they would send this to the Board of Elections,” he said. The Education Department’s Family and Community Engagement department “isn’t really able to do this kind of project, so send it to someone else,” he added.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Amy Zimmer is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat New York. Contact Amy at azimmer@chalkbeat.org.

NYC needs thousands more teachers. Can it grow them from the ground up?

2025-04-23T21:52:10+00:00

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As a new principal at Brooklyn International High School struggling to get her footing, Kathleen Rucker frequently turned to the school’s recent graduates for guidance and support.

In the decade that followed, those informal conversations evolved into a full-fledged effort to train, develop, and hire the school’s alumni as teachers, paraprofessionals, administrative assistants, and in other roles.

Currently, there are 16 alumni working at the school, and the number has gone as high as 25, Rucker said. The push has changed how Rucker approaches hiring and has paid dividends for the school’s alumni, its staff, and its current students, Rucker said.

“It actually is transformative,” said Rucker. “The school becomes a stronger, more effective curriculum and program, and the alumni are also empowered.”

Now, Education Department officials are hoping that programs like the one at Brooklyn International can serve as a model for the city to creatively address a historic teacher hiring challenge. By cultivating future educators at city high schools and providing non-teaching staff like paraprofessionals more support in making the leap to classroom teaching — approaches often described as a “grow your own” teacher model — city officials hope to build a broader, more sustainable local teacher pipeline.

The push comes as the city expects to hire between 8,000 and 9,000 teachers by next fall — almost double its normal new hire rate — in order to comply with the state’s class size reduction law. The Education Department will have to maintain the heightened hiring levels for years to come as the law takes full effect.

Rucker’s home-grown teaching program got a big boost several years ago when the Education Department rolled out Future Ready NYC — a signature initiative of former schools Chancellor David Banks that provides schools funding and support to help prepare students for career pathways, including education.

With the support of Future Ready and CUNY’s College Now program, Brooklyn International now offers a four-year course sequence to dozens of high school students that gives them the chance to learn about child development, find paid education internships, and graduate with credits they can use toward a CUNY college degree.

There are now 24 schools across the city offering the Future Ready education pathway, reaching an estimated 1,800 students, officials said.

“The Future Ready education pathway is definitely a major piece of the puzzle of how we open up our talent pipeline,” said First Deputy Chancellor Dan Weisberg, whose office oversees the program.

But it’s not just current students that officials are hoping to turn into the next generation of city teachers. Weisberg said the Education Department is also exploring ways to help the more than 23,000 paraprofessionals working in city schools obtain a teaching certificate at “no cost” and in a “relatively short period of time” — though he acknowledged any such changes will ultimately need support from the state and would require partnership with a college or university.

“There should be 5% to 10% of that pool [of paraprofessionals] that are becoming teachers every year,” he said. “That would be a sea change for us.”

‘Alumni in every classroom’

At Brooklyn International, school leaders recognized the value of cultivating future educators long before the Education Department launched its citywide initiative.

Students rarely enter the school with an explicit interest in education, but often form close relationships with staff and over time grow interested in doing the kind of work from which they benefited so much as students, alumni and staffers said.

“I went from, ‘I don’t want to go to school,’ to, ‘I want to become a teacher in a school,’” said Anunna Meem, a 2019 alum who now works at Brooklyn International as a history teacher.

Alumni staffers bring a unique ability to relate to students’ experiences and pick up on subtle signs from kids that other educators might miss, teachers and administrators said.

Erin Fleischauer, an 18-year veteran teacher at Brooklyn International who did not attend the school, said working alongside one of her former students as a co-teacher was eye-opening.

“I’m paying attention to how kids connect differently with him than they connect with me, and I’m noticing little moves that he makes that open up opportunities that I didn’t do,” Fleischauer said.

Schools Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos, who visited Brooklyn International on Tuesday to learn about the teacher preparation program, pointed out that recruiting future educators from international schools could also make a dent in the city’s longstanding shortage of bilingual teachers.

One Brooklyn International alum, now an education researcher, is doing research for her dissertation on the benefits of hiring alumni as teachers, and has found that it can increase students’ sense of belonging and connection in school, Rucker said.

For Rucker, the ultimate vision is having “an alumni in every classroom.”

Obstacles to teaching careers persist

Even with support from programs like Future Ready, there are still formidable obstacles standing in the paths of many prospective educators.

Meem, the Brooklyn International alum-turned-teacher, noted that many of her classmates pursuing a teaching degree at CUNY’s Brooklyn College struggled with the requirement to complete unpaid student teaching hours — facing pressure to earn money while they worked toward a degree.

And while the city’s in-house teacher preparation work offers promise, it’s a long-term investment at a time when the city’s hiring needs are immediate. That’s why Weisberg believes strengthening the paraprofessional-to-teacher pipeline can provide an immediate shot in the arm.

Paraprofessionals as a group are more reflective of the city’s student demographics than teachers, are more likely to live in the communities where they work, and often have deep experience supporting students with disabilities — another perpetual shortage area for city teachers.

Teachers earn roughly twice the starting salary of paraprofessionals, but the cost and burden of pursuing a certification keeps many paraprofessionals from making the leap, Weisberg contended. He argued that paraprofessionals should have a way to convert their work experience into credit toward a teacher certification, noting that “nothing predicts your future effectiveness as a teacher better than your current effectiveness as a teacher.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC commits $167 million to shore up early childhood education system amid federal threats

2025-04-16T20:30:31+00:00

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After threatening to allow nearly $200 million in early childhood spending to expire, Mayor Eric Adams announced plans Wednesday to keep most of it in the budget for next year and beyond.

The move will restore $112 million for 3-K, the city’s free preschool program for 3-year-olds, and $55 million to help address a chronic shortage of seats for preschool children with disabilities.

Education Department officials also committed to temporarily using city money to sustain some federally funded Head Start programs amid the Trump administration’s efforts to slash the program.

In a press conference Wednesday alongside his predecessor Bill de Blasio, who launched the city’s free universal preschool program, Adams touted the restoration as a historic investment in the early childhood education system.

“This is a Herculean task that we are able to accomplish,” Adams said.

Adams, who faces an uphill battle for reelection this year, promised to make the funding a permanent part of the budget.

The announcement was welcome news for many early childhood education providers who have been deeply concerned about budget threats at both the state and federal level next year.

“Against the backdrop of simultaneous challenges facing early childhood education programs and providers in NYC, including significant funding shortfalls in the State’s child care assistance program and looming threats to Head Start funding at the Federal level, today’s announcement provides much-needed relief,” said Tara Gardner, the executive director of the Daycare Council, which represents dozens of childcare providers.

The move to restore the early childhood funding now instead of at the last minute after negotiations with City Council, as Adams did last year, could also ease political pressure on the mayor.

But leaders of the City Council, none of whom were present at Wednesday’s announcement, were not so quick to praise Adams, noting that he did not restore all of the expiring funding and that he could have avoided the cuts in the first place.

“Taking funding away from children’s programs that our families rely on and only putting some of it back doesn’t make you a champion; it only harms the early childhood education system,” said Council speaker Adrienne Adams, education chair Rita Joseph, and finance chair Justin Brannan in a joint statement.

Mayor Adams said he left the funding out of his preliminary budget in January because of “economic uncertainties.”

Speaker Adams, who is running for mayor, has also called on Mayor Adams to renew funding in his executive budget for a $25 million program that offers families seats with extended hours and $84 million to expand access to child care vouchers. That budget is expected by the end of the month.

A new chapter in yearslong battle to sustain 3-K funding

Wednesday’s announcement is the latest chapter in a battle over early childhood education that has been simmering since Adams took office in 2022, when the system was still reeling from pandemic-driven enrollment declines but flush with federal COVID aid.

De Blasio had used hundreds of millions of dollars of that aid to aggressively expand 3-K in an effort to make it universal, like he’d previously done for prekindergarten. But the Adams administration backed off that promise — swamped by more immediate problems including thousands of vacant seats in some neighborhoods and a severe payment delay crisis that forced some programs to shutter.

Adams officials at the time were not shy about laying the blame for those problems at the feet of the de Blasio administration, with former schools Chancellor David Banks saying “there have been a lot of messes to try to clean up.” Critics countered that many of the problems were self-inflicted and the result of poor leadership that led to a mass exodus in the Education Department’s early childhood division.

De Blasio and Adams put any animosity aside on Wednesday.

“One can have differences on applications, implementations, but we don’t differ on the foundation,” said Adams. “We are joined at the hip, and now we are building on what he started.”

As the federal COVID aid that funded the 3-K expansion expired, funding for early childhood education became a major point of contention with the City Council.

The commitment to make the 3-K and special education funding permanent could ease that battle and create more stability for providers, but challenges with the system remain.

Last year, 3-K enrollment was roughly 44,000, with more than 8,000 unfilled seats, according to city data. Pre-K enrollment was around 59,000 last year — down from a peak of over 70,000 before the pandemic — with 14,000 unfilled seats. Even with all those vacant seats, thousands of students didn’t initially get an offer to one of their preferred 3-K programs last year.

Adams said the city has more work to do in better aligning seats with demand, but said the process of closing seats in areas without high enough demand can be “painful … we have to be sensitive on how do we address that without traumatizing families and children.”

Council members fought last year to get an additional $5 million to improve the city’s outreach efforts to help fill vacant seats, but that money so far has not been restored for next year’s budget.

Students with disabilities face chronic shortage

The city’s promise of universal preschool has for years failed to reach students with disabilities, who have faced a chronic shortage of seats.

Adams vowed to address the problem by boosting funding to help community organizations make their wages more competitive and adding $55 million to open new seats.

Advocates praised the restoration of that $55 million, but it will likely still not be enough to guarantee a spot for every student who has a legal right to one.

About 651 preschool students with disabilities were waiting for placements this spring, Christina Foti, the city’s top special education official, said during a March City Council hearing.

Plus, advocates contend even more aggressive investments are needed to provide those students with a full range of services. More than 7,900 preschool students had not yet received at least one mandated service, such as speech or physical therapy. Nearly 4,600 of them — or 58% — had yet to receive any special education services listed on their learning plan, Foti said at the March hearing.

To address those gaps, advocates have called for $70 million more to beef up evaluations and services — funding that Adams has not yet committed.

Some Head Start providers get some relief, but fears loom large

Officials also promised Wednesday to use city money to help stabilize some Head Start providers facing deep uncertainty because of the Trump administration’s efforts to slash the program.

Head Start, which began in 1965 as part of President Lyndon Johnson’s war on poverty, funds early childhood programs for roughly 20,000 kids from low-income families across the city, according to federal data.

Providers who offer the program can either contract directly with the federal government, or subcontract from the city Education Department, which holds a Head Start grant for about 6,000 seats.

The program is facing several looming threats in the five boroughs. The grant held by the city Education Department ends in June, and the city was forced to re-compete for its contract because past concerns about its performance led to an audit. The city has not yet heard back on the results of that application, but officials have said they’re expecting big changes — ranging from receiving less money than before, to a change in the age distribution of seats, to losing the grant altogether — creating uncertainty for providers and families.

On top of that, U.S. Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy Jr. abruptly closed five of the 10 regional Head Start offices across the country, including New York’s, in late March, leaving providers in the dark about who is reviewing the city’s grant applications and when — or if — they’ll hear back.

“There’s a question of … are they reviewing these applications at all?” said Bridget O’Rourke, the associate executive director of early childhood education at University Settlement.

In the longer term, Project 2025, the conservative blueprint that has guided Trump’s early policy efforts, calls for the elimination of Head Start, claiming it’s “fraught with scandal and abuse” and has little positive impact, despite extensive research showing the opposite. And Trump is proposing to end Head Start’s funding in his initial budget proposal, USA Today reported last week, though a final budget must be approved by Congress.

To help allay some of those concerns, Education Department officials met with providers who subcontract from the city on Tuesday and assured them that if the federal government slashes the city’s grant, the city will use its own money to keep those programs going next year, according to a provider on the call.

City officials didn’t immediately say how much money they’d set aside for that scenario. And while the city’s commitment gives some assurance to providers who subcontract from the Education Department, it doesn’t extend to programs that contract directly from the federal government, according to people familiar with the plans.

Those programs, which serve thousands of city students, are still reeling from the closure of the New York regional office, and many are waiting to hear back on their own grant applications.

“Right now … direct service has not been impacted,” said Rita Santelia, the chief executive officer of Mosholu Montefiore Community Center, which enrolls 400 students across Head Start and Early Head Start programs. “But we as providers are on tenterhooks… we’re not sure when the shoe is going to drop. You can’t operate with this level of fear.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Alex Zimmerman is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

‘An absolute disgrace’: Bed-Stuy community protests sudden removal of superintendent

2025-04-15T22:10:39+00:00

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The abrupt dismissal of a Brooklyn superintendent is spurring fierce backlash in Bedford-Stuyvesant, where dozens of community members showed up to a town hall meeting Monday night to express their outrage.

Schools Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos removed District 16 Superintendent Brendan Mims on Monday, according to state Assembly member Stefani Zinerman, who spoke with Aviles-Ramos and organized Monday’s town hall. The exact reasons for the removal are unclear. But in a Monday letter to Aviles-Ramos recapping their recent discussions about Mims, Zinerman attributed the problems to a “breakdown in the relationship” between Mims and the local Community Education Council, an elected parent advisory board, according to a copy of the letter shared with Chalkbeat.

Mims’ interim replacement, former Deputy Superintendent Fabayo McIntosh, took over Tuesday, according to an email to principals obtained by Chalkbeat.

The removal of Mims is one of the first major personnel moves for Aviles-Ramos, who assumed her role in October and has largely emphasized her desire to maintain the policies of her predecessor, David Banks. The move could now embroil Aviles-Ramos in a public battle at a delicate moment in her tenure, as she rolls out her own first policy efforts and as her future remains uncertain with Mayor Eric Adams facing a steep climb to win reelection in this year’s mayoral race.

The chancellor’s decision — and its timing over spring break — came as a shock to Zinerman and the dozens of educators, parents, and community leaders who showed up to the hastily arranged Monday meeting in the basement of the Restoration Plaza community center. Speakers heaped praise onto Mims, a 22-year veteran of the city Education Department, for his community engagement and strong academic track record.

“I’ve been a principal for over 26 years, long enough to see the changes that have happened in District 16,” said Lena Gates, the veteran leader of P.S. 5, an elementary school in the district, and one of several principals who showed up at the town hall to support Mims. “When Brendan Mims came to District 16, I said, ‘We finally got it right…’ I’m really so upset to hear what’s happening.”

Attendees said the timing of the move also seemed like an effort to sneak it through without notice.

“That is an absolute disgrace, and it’s disrespectful,” said Zinerman, whose assembly district largely overlaps with District 16. “I’ve been elected since 2010, and I have not had the opportunity to chain myself to a door yet. This is the door that I’m going to chain myself to.”

Zinerman added that making the decision toward the end of the school year as students prepare to take state exams and at a moment of profound uncertainty for city schools because of federal threats to education could destabilize the district.

Education Department spokesperson Nicole Brownstein said the “superintendency is an appointed position and an at-will hire” who serves at the pleasure of the chancellor. She said the agency will follow the chancellor’s regulations governing the appointment of a new permanent superintendent, which include consulting with the CEC and educators unions.

In the email to principals announcing the change, Deputy Chancellor of School Leadership Danika Rux praised McIntosh as a “seasoned educator” and “proud product of District 16.”

“We extend thanks to Brendan for his service to District 16,” Rux added.

Mims couldn’t be reached for comment. NeQuan McLean, the long-time president of CEC 16, who recently appeared on stage with Aviles-Ramos to announce a new program for parent volunteers, declined to comment, and other members of the CEC didn’t respond to emails.

Banks hired Mims in 2022 as part of a sweeping shakeup of the city’s 45 superintendent positions. The effort was intended to vest the role of superintendent with additional responsibility, especially in carrying out Banks’ literacy curriculum overhaul, and to give communities more input in the selection of their district leaders.

That community input is especially important in District 16 — the neighborhood that helped birth the community control movement in the 1960s where Black and Puerto Rican community members established the Ocean Hill-Brownsville district that eventually sparked the 1968 teacher strike.

That history echoed through Monday night’s meeting.

“This is our community, and we make the decisions with regards to who is leading, specifically with our children,” said Marlon Rice, the events director at Restoration Plaza.

Mims took over a district confronting challenges

Despite its storied history, District 16 has faced steep challenges in recent decades, including enrollment losses stemming from population declines, particularly among Black families, in central Brooklyn and the proliferation of charter schools.

Earlier this year, Mims, a Brooklyn native, successfully shepherded a plan to shutter P.S. 25, the city’s smallest elementary school with just 53 students — an idea district officials first tried seven years ago but did not get approved.

People who attended Monday’s meeting pointed to Mims’ leadership as a bright spot amid those challenges, pushing the district forward academically while bringing the community on board.

The district’s proficiency rates on state English exams for grades 3-8 rose from 37% in 2022 to 44% last year, and from 25% to 44% in math for the same grades — larger than the city’s overall growth in both cases.

Mims also played a big role in bringing a new Black Studies curriculum to the district, where roughly 64% of students are Black, educators said.

Leaders of nonprofits and local businesses said Mims was unusually active in getting them involved, and one district father spoke glowingly about an informal group of dads Mims led.

“I never met a superintendent before, never had no one come out and say let’s meet and greet, we’re doing something special for the dads,” said Jason Smith, a parent in the district. “He was always concerned with how can we improve… this is something that’s hitting hard.”

Tensions emerge with local parent council

Zinerman said she started getting wind last year of tension between Mims and the local CEC — and said there has been a pattern over more than a decade of superintendents only lasting a few years in the district because of “political or interpersonal conflict.”

“What began as enthusiastic support — heralding Mr. Mims as ‘exactly the man we need’ — has devolved into mistrust,” Zinerman wrote in her Monday letter to Aviles-Ramos.

Zinerman said she met with Aviles-Ramos and several of her top deputies last Wednesday to discuss the situation and urged the city to appoint an independent mediator to resolve the dispute between Mims and the CEC.

Zinerman said she thought department officials were on the same page and was shocked to get a call around noon on Monday from Aviles-Ramos telling her that Mims was out and his replacement would start the next day.

Zinerman told attendees at Monday’s meeting that Mims was reassigned to the Education Department’s suspension hearing office, drawing jeers from the crowd. (An Education Department spokesperson did not confirm Mims’ new assignment). Research has shown that Black male educators are more likely to be shunted into disciplinary roles, and Black students in the five boroughs are disproportionately suspended.

“What they want to do is send this Black man to the suspension center, where all the Black boys go,” said Barry Cooper, a community leader who runs a program supporting boys of color. “This is educational negligence.”

Cooper pledged to continue organizing protests throughout this week, with town hall attendees committing to calling Mayor Adams, showing up at the local district office, and rallying at the Education Department headquarters in Manhattan.

“This is a precipice for us to take control of our community and be a beacon like Bed-Stuy has always been,” Cooper said.

Alex Zimmerman contributed.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.or

NYC comptroller slams Ed. Dept.’s ‘stunning’ failure to complete mandated school asbestos checks

2025-04-09T20:47:06+00:00

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New York City’s Education Department is severely out of compliance with a federal law mandating regular inspections of school buildings containing asbestos, an audit released Wednesday by comptroller Brad Lander found.

Out of the city’s roughly 1,600 schools, a whopping 80% have been identified to have asbestos and are required by federal law to be inspected by an accredited professional once every three years. Yet, only 18% of the more-than 1,400 schools containing asbestos had such inspections between 2021 and 2024, the audit found.

School buildings with asbestos are also required to have routine inspections by a trained employee, such as a custodian, every six months. But the city only began systematically tracking those inspections in 2023 and completed them at just 22% of schools between 2023 and 2024, the audit revealed.

“[The Education Department] has stunningly failed to follow the minimum national standard for asbestos management for years,” Lander said in a statement. “I am urging the Adams Administration to take swift action to come into compliance because no parent, teacher, or school staffer should feel unsafe walking into a school.”

The audit advises the Education Department to create new policies, tracking systems, and accountability plans to quickly improve its compliance.

Asbestos can cause serious health complications including cancer when inhaled. The compound was widely used in school construction during the 20th century, and it can be found in insulation, flooring, and air conditioning equipment. Asbestos can be safely left in buildings as long as it’s intact, but when materials containing asbestos start to degrade, it becomes a safety risk.

Education Department officials claimed there was no risk of exposure because of the city’s abatement practices, according to Lander’s report — an assertion with which the auditors disagreed.

The 1986 Asbestos Hazard Emergency Response Act, or AHERA, mandates regular inspections. Failure to comply with the law can result in financial penalties, according to the audit.

The city school system has a history of falling short on its asbestos inspection obligations: The start of school in 1993 had to be delayed by more than a week after officials had to scramble to conduct hundreds of last-minute emergency inspections.

From 1997 onward, the city completed an average of just 11% of the required triennial inspections in each three year stretch, the audit found.

The comptroller’s audit found the recent rates of inspections were the lowest in Brooklyn, where just 13% of school buildings containing asbestos got their required triennial review between 2021 and 2024. The highest rate was in the Bronx, where 25% of schools received the required inspection.

City officials have also maintained spotty records of their efforts to train custodians to conduct the twice yearly surveillance inspections and of whether those inspections were completed, the audit found. The system improved starting in 2023, but still shows the city completing only a fraction of the required inspections, auditors said.

The auditors also pointed out that some 60 school buildings may be improperly listed as containing asbestos — and receiving unnecessary inspections — because the city’s recordkeeping is out of date.

In a letter to Lander’s office responding to the audit, Education Department Chief Operating Officer Emma Vadehra agreed to all of the comptroller’s recommendations.

The department is hiring an executive director of health and safety to oversee all building safety work citywide, along with five borough-based deputies, and is working to digitize its asbestos inspection records, she added.

Custodian engineers are trained on asbestos and complete “daily walkthroughs” of their buildings that include checking the condition of materials that contain asbestos, Vadehra said.

An Education Department spokesperson noted that the agency requires testing before doing any work on a building.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC students call on Mayor Adams to invest more in schools, child care, and immigrant aid

2025-04-08T21:54:19+00:00

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High school sophomore Samira Barotova is long past preschool age, but she acutely felt the impact of the city’s child care crisis.

When her little brother couldn’t get a spot in the city’s free 3-K program, Samira started getting pressure from her mom to skip afternoon volleyball practice to help look after him.

“Volleyball was my life,” said Samira, a student at Leaders High School in Bensonhurst, Brooklyn. “But it was nothing compared to my brother.” Still, when she watched him, she felt ”emptiness in my heart.”

It wasn’t until Samira did some research and helped her mom obtain a voucher that subsidizes the cost of child care for low-income families that she could fully resume her extracurricular activities.

That experience is part of what drove Samira to speak out, alongside dozens of her classmates and members of the People’s Plan, a progressive coalition pushing for additional investments in social services, at the Education Department’s downtown headquarters on Thursday. They demanded additional investments in early childhood education, support for immigrant students, arts education, mental health, and CUNY.

The rally was the culmination of a project in the 10th-grade English classes at Leaders, a member of the city’s consortium of schools that are mostly exempt from Regents exams and prioritize student-driven projects. Students researched the city’s budget and zeroed in on the shortfalls that most directly affected their lives. Several of the students’ specific budget proposals align with recommendations from the People’s Plan.

The city’s budget is due at the end of June, and the City Council recently called on Mayor Eric Adams to add roughly $800 million for education programs he left out of his preliminary budget. The state budget, which is now more than a week late, will also have huge ripple effects on the city’s schools — with hundreds of millions in education dollars and the fate of the child care voucher program hanging in the balance.

Lack of child care forces older siblings to pick up the slack

Samira wasn’t the only student to notice that a lack of child care can increase the burden on older siblings. Malk Elgamal, another Leaders student, remembered that when she was a toddler, she stayed home all day with her mom until her older siblings came home, allowing her mom to leave for work.

“I didn’t understand it then, but behind the scenes, my siblings were rushing to get home from school,” she said. “If I had a place to go, my sister would have been able to go out with her friends after school. My brother could have played sports.”

Malk and Samira joined the chorus of lawmakers and advocates who have called on Adams to restore hundreds of millions of dollars for early childhood education left out of his preliminary budget.

Students want more aid and protections for immigrants

President Donald Trump’s crackdown on immigrants is top of mind for students at Leaders, who hail from countries including Uzbekistan, China, and Russia.

Rida Noor, an 11th grader who arrived with her family eight months ago from Pakistan, understands how critical it is to have access to legal services, and she urged the city to invest an additional $59 million to subsidize legal support for immigrant families, one of the proposals in the People’s Plan.

She recounted how little her own family knew the process for obtaining necessary documentation.

“Everything felt overwhelming. We didn’t understand the laws, what papers we needed, what rules we had to follow,” she said. “I remember my parents whispering late at night… what if a small mistake meant we could no longer stay?”

Merely Salamanca, another Leaders student and the daughter of Mexican immigrants, recalled the moment in 2022 she found out her dad wouldn’t be able to return to the U.S. after a trip back to Mexico.

“I dropped the [phone] on the [floor]. My heart sank. I couldn’t even breathe. The whole world just stopped in that instant,” she said.

“Thousands of families have been going through the same thing I have gone through, which is not something that should be happening in this world,” she said.

Merely called out Adams for “cooperating with Trump’s administration” and demanded that the city invest more to “protect immigrant New Yorkers” in next year’s budget.

Calls to bolster arts education from students and elected officials

As a kid who struggled to fit in and make friends at school, Mia Ottaviani always found solace in art class.

“I learned to channel my emotions through art, connect with others, stay committed to a project and persevere through problems,” she said. “The smell of wet paint, the sight of colorful artwork covering every inch of the walls and the low hum of creation going on all around me will never not bring me comfort.”

But Mia was dismayed to find as she got older that many of the schools she visited had little to no art offerings.

“Lots of the schools didn’t have a dedicated art room, just a small cart with squeaky wheels holding old, dried up paints collecting dust in a storage room,” she recalled.

Just a stone’s throw away from the Leaders rally, at the New York City Council, lawmakers were grilling city officials on that very topic. More than two-thirds of eighth graders in public schools didn’t receive the state-required two semesters of arts education in two different disciplines last school year, according to the council report.

Both Mia and Council Education Committee Chair Rita Joseph called on the Adams administration to maintain $41 million in arts funding that is set to disappear next year.

Pleas for more mental health services to cut long waits

During the darkest days of COVID, stuck in their house while “insecurities ran through [their] body and swam through [their] mind,” Dee Wood finally worked up the courage to seek out a therapist.

But because of a dire shortage of youth mental health providers, Dee was stuck on a waitlist for a year before they actually spoke to a therapist, they said.

“I was lucky enough to be one of those kids who could wait that long,” Dee said. “Some kids are slowly losing themselves to the pain in their brains.”

Dee called on the city to invest $61 million in “Crisis to Care,” an effort to expand mental health services and reduce waitlists. Public Advocate Jumaane Williams, who made an appearance at the rally, echoed that call — and slammed Adams for recently touting a school mental health program that he declined to fund in his preliminary budget.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Trump gave states 10 days to sign an anti-DEI policy. NY Education Department is refusing.

2025-04-04T22:27:20+00:00

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New York will not comply with an order from President Donald Trump’s administration to certify that school districts are eliminating diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives, state Education Department officials said in a Friday letter obtained by Chalkbeat.

The letter represents some of the earliest and most forceful pushback to Thursday’s threat that gave state education agencies 10 days to guarantee that no public schools in their states have DEI programs the Trump administration deems illegal — or lose billions of dollars in federal education funding.

Federal officials cited the 2023 Supreme Court decision banning race-based affirmative action in college admissions in arguing that any school DEI program used to “advantage one’s race over another” violates federal Title VI of the Civil Rights Act.

But New York officials countered that the state has already certified on multiple occasions that it follows federal anti-discrimination law, and that the U.S. Education Department has no legal right to threaten to withhold federal funding over its own interpretation of the law.

The state Education Department “is unaware of any authority that USDOE has to demand that a State Education Agency … agree to its interpretation of a judicial decision or change the terms and conditions of [New York State Education Department]’s award without formal administrative process,” wrote Counsel and Deputy Commissioner Daniel Morton-Bentley.

“We understand that the current administration seeks to censor anything it deems ‘diversity, equity & inclusion. ... But there are no federal or State laws prohibiting the principles of DEI,” Morton-Bentley continued. “And USDOE has yet to define what practices it believes violate Title VI.”

The state will not send any “further certification” of compliance with federal law, the letter concluded.

A spokesperson for the U.S. Department of Education did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Thursday’s DEI directive from the U.S. Department of Education is the latest escalation in a series of moves intended to stamp out efforts to address racism and inequity in schools.

Trump previously signed an executive order threatening to withhold federal funding from schools over “radical indoctrination” in classrooms. The Office of Civil Rights in the U.S. Education Department told districts they could be subject to investigation for any policies that consider race or proxies for race.

Earlier on Friday, Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson said the city was planning to sue the federal government if it withheld funds because of the order, calling it an “unconstitutional” attack on free speech.

New York officials questioned whether the Supreme Court decision in the college affirmative action case applies to DEI programs in K-12 schools — arguing the case “does not have the totemic significance that you have assigned to it.”

“USDOE is entitled to make whatever policy pronouncements it wants — but cannot conflate policy with law,” Morton-Bentley wrote.

The letter further points out that the Trump administration’s current stance toward DEI is “an abrupt shift” from its position during Trump’s first term, when former education secretary Betsy DeVos told staff that “[d]iversity and inclusion are the cornerstones of high organizational performance.”

Federal money accounts for roughly 10% of education funding nationwide. In New York City, the country’s largest school system, roughly $2 billion a year — or 5% of its total budget — flows from the federal government, including nearly $700 million in Title I funds that support schools with high poverty rates.

Amy Zimmer contributed.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC looks to parent volunteers to help tackle chronic absenteeism in Aviles-Ramos’ first initiative

2025-04-03T20:58:42+00:00

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New York City’s Education Department plans to train hundreds of new parent volunteers to help families overcome challenges affecting school attendance, Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos said Thursday.

The department will also launch new student-led anti-vaping and anti-bullying campaigns.

These programs are the first steps in a plan called NYCPS Cares, created in response to the problems Aviles-Ramos heard during a five-borough listening tour she held in recent months. Among the issues that came up at these sessions: youth struggles with mental health, students feeling unsafe commuting to school, calls for more support for new immigrants, and the need for expanded access to sports and other extracurriculars.

“We cannot punish parents when kids cannot get to school. We need to ask the question; ‘Parents, what is keeping your children from getting to school and how can we help you?‘” Aviles-Ramos said Thursday in East Harlem kicking off the initiative. “Our parent leaders are our best partners to make sure we give our parents everything they need so our babies can get to school every single day.”

The “family connectors” program will train participants on how to help families in their schools access such city resources as housing support, food benefits, and mental and physical health providers.

Officials will begin rolling the program out in 12 of the city’s 32 community school districts that have higher levels of poverty, chronic absenteeism, and teacher turnover, but said people from other districts can also apply. The city ultimately plans to have a family connector in each of the city’s 1,600 public schools, a spokesperson said.

The program is unpaid for parent volunteers, unlike a previous COVID-era initiative that paid parents $500 stipends to become “wellness ambassadors.”

Brooklyn parent leader NeQuan McLean, who spoke at Thursday’s event, joked that he was looking forward to “another unpaid job.” Many of the primary roles for parent leaders — including serving on Community Education Councils and the Panel for Educational Policy — are uncompensated.

But McLean said the effort could still be a “gamechanger” by “codifying” and offering additional support for the kinds of work that many involved parent leaders already perform.

The advantage of keeping the position unpaid is that parent volunteers may feel less beholden to the Education Department, he added.

“Once they begin to pay you, then you are limited to what you can say or do,” McLean said.

Aviles-Ramos echoed that the initiative is largely about “formalizing the work [parent leaders] are already doing organically.”

The anti-bullying and anti-vaping initiative is expected to tap students to deliver the message to their peers rather than adults, officials said.

Annual student surveys show that bullying, particularly online, is a rising concern for city students. Roughly 43% of students in the most recent survey reported seeing regular bullying and harassment online, up from 35% in 2024.

“These campaigns will tell you more than ‘don’t vape’ and ‘don’t bully’ because we know how effective that is,” Aviles-Ramos said.

Jesus Peguero, a middle school student wearing an “Escape the Vape” shirt at Thursday’s event said he’s been part of a group brainstorming effective messages to steer peers away from vaping. That includes, for example, telling athletes “they won’t be able to continue what they’re doing” if they vape, he saId.

It wasn’t immediately clear whether the campaigns would require additional funding. State Attorney General Letitia James announced last year she was sending $27 million to New York City for anti-vaping campaigns. The money came from a settlement in a successful lawsuit against the e-cigarette giant Juul, which was accused of illegally marketing its products to youth.

The chancellor expects to announce other aspects of the NYCPS Cares plan closer to the start of next school year. It’s the first major initiative Aviles-Ramos has announced since taking over in October after her predecessor David Banks unexpectedly retired. She has largely committed to continuing Banks’ major initiatives, including literacy and math curriculum overhauls.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

NYC Council wants $800 million more for education than Eric Adams proposed

2025-04-02T20:27:18+00:00

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Leaders of New York’s City Council said Wednesday they will push Mayor Eric Adams to add roughly $800 million in education funding to the city’s final budget.

Of that $800 million, roughly $280 million would go towards early childhood education, around $180 million would support CUNY, and the remainder would go to K-12 schools, according to budget documents.

The council’s total request for additional education-related expenses is about $1.6 billion, once capital projects are included.

Increasing investment in the city’s strained child care system is front and center in the council’s annual budget response. Legislators called on Adams to restore nearly $200 million for the city’s free 3-K and Pre-K programs excluded from the mayor’s January preliminary budget proposal. Council members said they will also push for an additional $84 million to expand access to child care vouchers.

“This year, we’re once again fighting for the resources that are critical to neighborhoods across the city,” said Council Speaker Adrienne Adams, a Queens Democrat who is challenging Adams for the party’s nomination for mayor. “Early childhood education remains a top priority for this council because we know it is critical for children’s development and working families.”

The budget response offers the first full look at the council’s priorities as budget negotiations with City Hall kick off. Mayor Adams is expected to release his executive budget by May 1, and the council and mayor are supposed to agree on an adopted budget by the end of June.

This year, the city is not facing the same acute financial pressures as in recent years when billions in federal COVID relief ended up and the city incurred billions in new costs from the influx of migrants, the council noted. The council also projects billions more in revenues than the Adams administration.

But there are still big financial risks — including the possibility that the state budget could reduce funding for the city in several key areas. The Trump administration’s ongoing efforts to slash federal spending also complicate the city’s fiscal outlook, council members said.

Child care has emerged as a major sticking point in budget negotiations. Mayor Adams has consistently pushed to slash spending, arguing that the city needs a more sustainable plan that cuts down on unfilled seats. But council members and advocates counter that child care access should expand as the city confronts an ongoing affordability crisis.

At issue in this year’s budget is nearly $197 million for 3-K and Pre-K that the city funded this year, but which Adams did not include in his preliminary budget. That includes $112 million for 3-K, $55 million for special education preschool seats, $25 million for extended day programs, and $5 million for outreach.

Many of the education initiatives the council is now fighting to save were previously supported by federal COVID aid that ran dry last year. The council successfully pushed the city to replace the funding for many of those programs — but in some cases only for a year.

Beyond restoring that $197 million, the council is also pushing for an additional $84 million to expand access to child care vouchers, which families can use to subsidize the cost of programs for infants and toddlers or afterschool care.

The city’s main voucher program, the Childcare Assistance Program, reaches nearly 80,000 families and is funded almost entirely by the state. The program now faces a yawning budget gap that could force the city to kick thousands of families out of the program each month unless the state increases funding by nearly a billion dollars in this budget, city officials have warned.

The council’s budget response asks the city to chip in an additional $24 million a year to raise the income eligibility for the voucher program from around $108,000 for a family of four to $128,000.

The council also wants to expand a new city program called Promise NYC, which provides vouchers to undocumented families not eligible for the state-funded program to 3,500 children. That’s a $60 million annual investment.

Rebecca Bailin, the executive director of New Yorkers United for Child Care, called the council’s proposal “a step in the right direction on the path to universal child care for all that will keep families in New York.”

Outside of early childhood, the council is pushing to restore funding to a number of K-12 programs previously funded by federal relief, and renewed in last year’s budget for only a year.

That includes $5 million for a new school mental health program Mayor Adams recently touted at a press conference, $14 million for community schools that bring in outside nonprofits to provide additional services to kids and families, and $41 million for arts education.

The council also calls for $10 million for “affinity” high schools that work with outside networks, and $4 million for tutoring. The council proposes another $65 million for school nurses, $154 million to replace expiring federal funding for custodial services, and $10 million to help recruit more school cafeteria workers.

In addition to the roughly $800 million more the council wants for education programs, legislators are also seeking more than $800 million in education-related capital expenses. That includes an additional $150 million for cafeteria enhancements and $450 million more to make school buildings accessible to students with physical handicaps.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

With thousands more teachers needed to meet class size law, NYC embarks on historic hiring spree

2025-04-01T22:52:30+00:00

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New York City schools are gearing up for a historic hiring spree as thousands more teachers are needed this fall to shrink class sizes across the five boroughs.

In a typical year, the city Education Department hires between 4,000 and 5,000 new teachers to fill gaps left by those who retire, move, or leave for other reasons. But by September, officials have recently said the city is aiming to hire between 7,000 and 9,000 new educators to meet a major class size deadline: bringing 60% of classrooms citywide under the caps mandated by the state’s sweeping class size law.

Currently, about 46% of classes comply with the law, which caps K-3 classes at 20 students, 4-8 classes at 23 students, and high school classes at 25. All classrooms must meet the limits by Sept. 2028.

The hiring boom presents both a major opportunity and an unprecedented challenge for city schools.

On one hand, hundreds of schools are likely to have more money than usual, guaranteed earlier in the year than is typical, to hire teachers, thanks to a new city initiative that allowed schools to apply for additional funding to lower class sizes. But the marked uptick in demand for teachers will also put a new strain on the city’s ability to recruit candidates — particularly amid an ongoing state and national teacher shortage.

The flood of new job postings is also expected to increase churn within the system as public school teachers leave their current placements for more desirable openings — a pattern administrators and officials fear will disproportionately harm schools that have traditionally had the hardest time hiring and retaining teachers, including high-poverty schools and those located in the Bronx and parts of Brooklyn.

“That volume is a lot, and we are actually concerned about meeting the volume,” said Amy Way, the executive director of the Education Department’s Office of Teacher Recruitment and Quality, earlier this month at a panel on teacher morale co-sponsored by EdWeek and Chalkbeat. “There really has been a decline in people entering the teaching profession.”

Some 750 schools submitted applications requesting a combined 4,000 additional teachers, officials said recently. Responses to the applications are expected as soon as this week despite the city’s initial promise to provide answers by February. United Federation of Teachers President Michael Mulgrew told teachers in an email last week that nearly 90% of schools that applied are expected to get some or all the funding they requested.

“This will be the first time ever that all these schools are going to be told…‘You will have the funding directly in your budgets for this,‘” Mulgrew said recently on the education podcast Talk Out of School. “You’re going to have hundreds of schools who are looking to hire early, way before June. So this is going to be an interesting dynamic for our school system.”

School leaders are preparing for a tumultuous few months.

“It’s going to be a bloodbath out there for hiring if all of these schools are getting all or some of the allotment they’re asking for,” said one Manhattan principal, who spoke on the condition of anonymity so as not to jeopardize his application. “Some schools are going to have a really hard time attracting teachers when you have really well-resourced schools in very accessible parts of the city hiring too.”

The Education Department already has some measures in place to increase the teacher pipeline and to mitigate the effects of churn within the system. Programs like NYC Men Teach and NYC Teaching Fellows have made strides in attracting more diverse candidates by offering extra support and an expedited path into the profession.

The city also offers some incentives to help fill historically hard-to-staff roles and schools, including monetary bonuses and early hiring privileges. The Education Department didn’t immediately respond to questions about which specific roles were eligible for bonuses, but a spokesperson pointed to a new teacher residency program funded by the state and career training for paraprofessionals seeking to become teachers.

“We’re acutely aware that we’ve got to make sure we up our game,” said First Deputy Chancellor Dan Weisberg at a recent town hall in Brooklyn’s District 19. “So we’re going to do even more going forward.”

Department spokesperson Jenna Lyle added Tuesday, “We are leaving no stone unturned.”

A supply and demand question

The most basic question facing the city as it prepares for its hiring spree is whether the supply of teachers can meet the demand.

New York City historically hasn’t been hit as hard as other parts of the state and country by teacher shortages thanks to the steady flow of people migrating to the five boroughs and the relatively high teacher salaries.

But the city isn’t immune to the challenges facing the profession. The teaching force shrunk during the pandemic thanks to higher levels of attrition and reduced hiring, though the Education Department said it grew by 1,000 teachers from last school year to this one. Several roles, including high school math and science, special education, and bilingual teachers remain chronically understaffed.

The number of students who completed traditional college teacher preparation programs in New York dropped from over 22,000 in 2012 to under 15,000 a decade later. And only 9,000 people across the entire state of New York received a new teaching certification in the 2018-19 school year, including those in traditional teacher prep and alternative certification programs, according to data city Education Department officials shared with the class size working group in 2023.

Supporters hope lower class sizes will be extra enticement. Some principals have already gotten interest from teachers in other parts of the state attracted by the prospect of the class size caps, according to a union source.

And if the city does manage to meet the elevated hiring demand, some administrators and experts are concerned that the quality of candidates could diminish. Some past research has suggested that the educational benefits of reduced class sizes are offset by a decline in teacher quality when schools are forced to staff up.

The elevated teacher hiring is expected to continue at least for the next three years as the class size law fully phases in, reaching as high as 10,000 new teachers in a year, officials say.

Even for schools who fill all their vacancies with great candidates, the sheer quantity of new teachers will present its own challenges, officials say.

“I think about what is it going to be like for a school to have so many new teachers so many years in a row,” said Way. “What are the supports in place?”

Increased competition could disadvantage some schools

The hiring spree will almost certainly increase competition for in-demand candidates — a situation that could spell trouble for schools already at a disadvantage in the hiring process.

The highest-poverty schools tend to have more unfilled positions and teacher turnover, according to city data. Schools in the Bronx and Brooklyn are the most likely to lose teachers who transfer within the city Education Department to other boroughs.

“I’m a little nervous, just because of the amount of teachers that I know we have to hire and every school has to hire, and how many good teachers are available,” said Crystal Johnson, a teacher and director of operations at Baychester Middle School in the Bronx, which is hoping to hire five or six teachers this year, compared to two or three normally.

The Education Department has set up some systems to ensure schools like Johnson’s aren’t left behind. Schools in hard-to-staff neighborhoods get early access to the city’s new teacher finder, a hiring platform for teachers new to the city’s public schools. The Education Department also offers a $1,000 early commitment bonus for certain hard-to-fill positions, and it gives her school early access to hiring fairs, Johnson said.

But some educators say those incentives don’t go far enough and pale in comparison to past efforts — like the “Bronx plan” under former Mayor Bill de Blasio that offered signing bonuses of up to $8,000.

Johnson said she appreciates the early hiring access, but the fairs often fill up before she can book a spot. Because of the increased competition, Johnson said her school is revising its approach this year to more quickly send out offers to candidates they like.

Hiring spree sparks new possibilities

For all of the challenges, some educators hope the hiring spree will pay off in both the short and long term.

“Twenty kids in a kindergarten to third-grade class is monumental for student learning,” said the Manhattan principal, who usually hires one or two new teachers a year but could have as many as nine openings this year if the school’s class size reduction request is approved.

Kiri Soares, the principal of the Urban Assembly Institute of Math and Science for Young Women in downtown Brooklyn, hopes the increased hiring needs will force a deeper conversation about expanding the teaching pipeline.

Soares wants to see more investment in starting to train and recruit future teachers in K-12 public schools and additional support for paraprofessionals seeking to get their teacher certification.

Angel Diaz, a senior at Lehman College in the Bronx who is set to start next year as a history teacher at his alma mater, the Urban Assembly School for Applied Math and Science, benefited from exactly that type of support.

Diaz, a former after-school program worker and paraprofessional, got extra guidance and monetary support from the program NYC Men Teach. He said he now can’t imagine teaching anywhere other than in the Bronx community where he grew up.

“My goal is just to continue being the person [I] wish [I] would’ve had in these schools,” he said.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Thousands of NYC families could lose child care vouchers amid nearly $1 billion funding shortfall

2025-03-27T23:10:33+00:00

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Thousands of low-income New York City families could see their child care vouchers abruptly yanked away if the state doesn’t add nearly a billion dollars to the program in the coming budget, advocates and city officials have warned in recent weeks.

The Child Care Assistance Program, which provides vouchers averaging $300 a week to nearly 80,000 families, saw a boom in enrollment across the five boroughs over the past several years thanks to pandemic eligibility changes and an infusion of one-time federal funding.

But the program is now facing a perfect storm of budgetary threats as federal aid dries up, child care costs continue to rise, and COVID-era waivers that likely kept many families home with their kids expire, leaving a massive funding shortfall.

As a result, if state funding for the program doesn’t increase next year, the city may have to begin removing vouchers from between 4,000 and 7,000 low-income families each month, according to an analysis from the Center for NYC Affairs at the New School.

That would be a major hardship for Mansie Meikle, a Queens mother of three who uses the vouchers to subsidize the cost of after-school care. She said she was unable to work before getting the vouchers because she couldn’t afford child care. Now, she worries she could end up “right back at square one.”

“I fought three years to get out of that cycle of not having child care and to just think of being back in that place, it’s really, really not a good feeling at all,” she said.

Overall, the city would need between $823 and $907 million in additional state funding over the next year and a half in order to avoid kicking families out of the voucher program, the New School analysis estimates.

Gov. Kathy Hochul’s executive budget proposal includes no increase in funding for the vouchers, while the senate’s plan adds $50 million, and the assembly adds $213 million, according to New York Focus, which first reported the funding shortfall.

The state’s budget is supposed to be finalized by April 1.

Avery Cohen, a Hochul spokesperson, said the governor has “increased funding for childcare subsidies in New York City by 124% while City spending has remained relatively flat.”

“We will continue to support these vital programs and ensure as many families remain enrolled as possible,” Cohen added.

Some city and state lawmakers have criticized Mayor Eric Adams for not being proactive enough about the looming shortfall and failing to make it a priority in budget negotiations with the state.

Allison Maser, an Adams spokesperson, said the “vouchers have been integral to our efforts in reducing the cost of child care.” City officials said they have held nearly 200 meetings with state lawmakers about the voucher program in the last month.

A victim of its own success

The voucher program’s current precarious financial position is, in some ways, a result of its resounding success in recent years, advocates said.

Prior to the pandemic, most vouchers went to families receiving cash assistance, a state welfare program for families out of work or whose jobs don’t pay enough. Typically under that program, parents are required to work, and the state is obligated to provide them child care vouchers.

During the pandemic, the state lifted work requirements for parents receiving cash assistance, which advocates said likely led to more families staying home, leaving them with less need for child care. The number of vouchers for families receiving cash assistance dropped from more than 51,000 in 2017 to a low of just over 19,000 in 2022, according to the New School analysis.

That huge drop, combined with extra federal relief funds, allowed the state and city to open the program to a wider swath of low-income families who do not receive cash assistance. The state raised the eligibility threshold to 85% of the state median income, or about $108,000 for a family of four.

In a city where child care remains unaffordable for all but the wealthiest families, newly-eligible families leapt at the offer. Child care vouchers for families not receiving cash assistance increased from 18,000 in 2021 to 56,000 last year.

“Families have flocked to the program because it’s a really good program,” said Dede Hill, director of policy at Schuyler Center for Analysis and Advocacy.

At the same time, state officials nearly doubled the average value of the vouchers, from $154 in 2019 to $301 last year, to meet the rising cost of child care — a change applauded by families and providers.

But the program now faces a funding cliff.

Federal funds that helped subsidize the program’s growth during the pandemic have dried up. And most importantly, the pandemic waiver allowing families to qualify for cash assistance without work requirements is set to expire.

Analysts and city officials predict the end of the waiver will lead to a surge in employment among families receiving cash assistance. And since the state is required to provide child care vouchers for those families, officials expect a concurrent surge in vouchers for families getting cash assistance — from roughly 23,000 currently to as many as 66,000 by March of 2026, according to the New School analysis.

To create room in the budget to fund all the new vouchers for families getting cash assistance — whose child care the state is legally required to subsidize — the city will have to take them away from families not receiving cash assistance. City officials have estimated that could affect between 4,000 and 7,000 families a month.

Advocates, providers warn of ‘ripple effects’

Beyond the devastating impact for individual families, a mass removal of vouchers could destabilize the child care sector, advocates and providers warned.

“This will have a ripple effect,” said Tiffany Diaz, owner and operator of several Bronx home-based day care programs. “In my sites…85% of our income comes from vouchers. Can you imagine 85% of your wages being pulled from under you? I’m not sure how we would be able to survive.”

And if families are unable to afford child care, “they will not be able to then go out to the workforce and contribute to society and contribute to this, this economy,” Diaz added.

Some families might be able to fill one of the more than 11,000 vacant extended school day and year seats in the city’s publicly funded preschool programs for kids up to four years old, the New School analysis pointed out. But funding for some of those programs also remains in question.

Other families, unable to work without access to affordable child care, may end up relying on additional public assistance — underscoring why advocates say the eye-popping number needed to stabilize the voucher program is a worthwhile long-term investment.

“Research shows that investing in child care has massive returns for society,” said Jason Cone, chief public policy officer at Robin Hood. “We have greater workforce participation, predominantly amongst women, who are able to enter the workforce, generate higher incomes and eventually pay more taxes. And it’s a good thing for children as well.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org

Judge sides with NYC in dispute with state over ‘inflated’ charter school rent reimbursement

2025-03-24T22:00:24+00:00

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In a legal dispute between the New York City and state education departments over a charter school rent reimbursement, an Albany Supreme Court judge sided with the city last week.

The fight centered on a state law requiring the city to provide charter schools space or reimburse them for the cost of rent. The city Education Department sued the state over its interpretation of the law after it approved a reimbursement request from Hellenic Classical Charter Schools.

The school rented property on Staten Island then turned over the lease to a group affiliated with the school. That affiliated group then sub-leased the property back to the school at three times its original price, allowing the school to seek more reimbursement from the city. The extra costs were meant to subsidize the construction of a new building for the charter school on the same plot of land, according to court documents.

The city refused to pay the higher rate, which it later called “artificially inflated.” Hellenic appealed to state Education Commissioner Betty Rosa, who ruled in favor of the charter network. Rosa argued that while Hellenic’s arrangement was “concerning,” asking the city to subsidize new construction was “merely an exaggerated example of the goal of the rental assistance program: the public financing of New York City charter schools.”

But in a decision issued last week in a city lawsuit over Rosa’s order, Judge Julian Schreibman disagreed with Rosa’s reading of the law, annulling her decision and directing her to reconsider the case. The law specifies that the city only has to reimburse charters for “the actual rental cost,” which means it can reject requests that don’t go toward that purpose, Schreibman said.

“The reading reached by this Court permits [the New York City Education Department] to be vigilant not merely for expenditures that might benefit the School but are not rent, but for expenditures characterized as ‘rent’ that do not benefit the School at all — something the Commissioner’s decision would not allow,” Schreibman wrote.

A spokesperson for the state Education Department said Rosa would explore options to appeal Schreibman’s ruling. If she is required to reconsider her initial decision, Rosa will “review the entire record before deciding which party is entitled to relief.”

City officials didn’t respond to a request for comment. A lawyer representing Hellenic didn’t respond to questions about the ruling, but previously told Chalkbeat that sub-leasing space from affiliated groups was a common practice for charter schools and the city had no right to second guess charters’ rental costs.

It’s still unclear how Rosa will ultimately rule, or whether the judicial decision will have implications beyond this case, but the ruling could bolster the city’s ability to scrutinize charter reimbursement requests. A Law Department spokesperson previously told Chalkbeat this is the first time the city has sued the state over a charter rental reimbursement dispute.

In an Aug. 2024 document outlining its policy for reviewing rent reimbursement requests, the city Education Department says it won’t reimburse for costs “for buildings not occupied by…students, or other costs that are not directly and necessarily resulting from the rental of space.”

Concerns over rent reimbursement costs

The 2014 rental reimbursement law, which is the only legislation of its kind in the state, was backed by then Gov. Andrew Cuomo to shore up protections for charter schools against former Mayor Bill de Blasio, who was viewed as more hostile to the publicly funded but privately run institutions.

The law caps rental reimbursement at 30% of the base tuition the city pays charters for basic operating expenses. The city paid about $75 million for charter rental reimbursements in fiscal year 2023, after factoring in the state’s portion of the payments, according to the city’s Independent Budget Office.

Some lawmakers have pushed for the law to go even further by extending rental reimbursement to more charters. But advocates and lawmakers critical of charter schools have raised concerns about the costs for the city Education Department.

A 2021 report from the advocacy group Class Size Matters spotlighted several instances of schools renting space in buildings owned by related groups where rent jumped substantially, “raising questions about whether the rents were fairly assessed and whether there may be evidence of self dealing by the charter schools.”

In Hellenic’s case, the school signed a lease to rent a building and adjacent land from a Greek Orthodox Church that would have cost about $660,000 for the 2021-2022 school year. But the school turned over its lease to an entity called “Friends of Hellenic Classical Charter Schools, Inc,” which shares a chairperson with the school, and sub-leased the property back to the school for more than $2 million for the year, according to court records.

The rent increase was meant to account for the added costs of constructing a new building on the same plot of land, according to legal documents.

The New York City Charter School Center, an umbrella organization that lobbies on behalf of charters and filed a legal brief in support of Hellenic, argues that’s an entirely appropriate use of the city funding.

“Just as the public provides funding for constructing public schools, we believe that charter schools should be allowed to use rental assistance for the same purpose,” said Charter Center CEO James Merriman.

But legally, the most important question is whether Hellenic’s expenditures count as “actual rental cost” under state law. Schreibman didn’t explicitly weigh in on that question, but noted there were “multiple red flags” in Hellenic’s request, including “the fact that the ‘rent’ had suddenly increased exponentially following a related party transaction,” and the revelation that “the related-party landlord would be using most of the ‘rent’ to fund other projects on behalf of the School.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

NYC schools ramp up test prep for students on cusp of passing state reading exams

2025-03-18T12:00:00+00:00

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New York City elementary schools have been ordered to step up preparation for next month’s state reading tests, a so-called “sprint” to boost scores that is raising eyebrows among educators and experts.

District officials have asked principals to focus extra test prep on students in grades 3-5 who are likely to score near the proficiency threshold on state reading tests. Those students should receive 30 to 50 minutes per week of additional practice, according to messages to some school leaders obtained by Chalkbeat. About 67,000 students were identified for the push based on mid-year assessments, officials said, roughly 38% of public school students in grades 3-5.

“With our collective focus and intentionality, we are poised to achieve up to a 5% increase in ELA proficiency this spring,” according to an email from a superintendent’s office to principals. “Let’s work together to make this Sprint a success and ensure that our students enter the ELA assessment period fully prepared and confident!”

Schools can make time for the extra preparation on Saturdays, before or after regular classes, during spring break, or throughout the regular school day, according to the message to principals. The extra test prep is supposed to run from March 10 until April 22, when state reading exams begin.

The effort is more sweeping than previous test preparation “sprints,” according to several principals who said they had not seen similar citywide directives in past years. And it comes as education officials are under pressure to show an aggressive literacy curriculum overhaul is making students better readers. Improving literacy rates is the top education initiative under Mayor Eric Adams, who is facing an uphill battle for re-election.

After the curriculum mandate rolled out to a chunk of campuses last school year, reading scores in grades 3-8 slipped 2.6 percentage points to 49.1%. The drops were slightly larger at schools that were using the new curriculums, though officials argued declines were expected because teachers were still adjusting to the new materials. But this school year, all elementary campuses were required to use one of the three city-approved reading curriculums.

“The DOE may be feeling a need to show that kids’ literacy instruction and curricula are doing better,” said Aaron Pallas, a Teachers College professor who has studied efforts to improve New York City schools.

But Pallas and other experts raised concerns with the city’s strategy, noting that it creates an incentive for schools to focus on students who are on the cusp of passing the state tests rather than those who are furthest behind. He also wondered why city officials weren’t more focused on improving literacy instruction throughout the year.

“It’s hard sometimes to distinguish test prep from genuine instruction, but this really looks a lot like test prep,” Pallas said. He added: “I just worry that focusing too narrowly on state assessments is potentially diverting attention away from underlying literacy acquisition.”

Principals take different approaches to test prep

On some campuses, the city’s directive closely mirrors what they already do to prepare students for the exams. Schools are expected to use one of two digital platforms — Amira or i-Ready — where students can take multiple choice tests that assess skills they’ll be expected to use on the state exams.

“I’m glad that my school is already doing it so it’s not shocking or anything different,” said Lorenzo Chambers, the principal of P.S. 279 in Brooklyn, who added that the program has felt flexible.

Students at his school who were identified for extra help will get individual support from teachers who are offering short mini-lessons on skills, such as drawing a conclusion from a text, followed by practicing on their own.

Chambers noted that his superintendent also encouraged principals to focus on math (not just reading) and in grades 3-8 (rather than only grades 3-5). An education department spokesperson did not respond to a question about how many of the city’s 32 local district superintendents have made similar requests to focus on a broader group of students.

Another principal, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said the kids identified for extra help through the sprint are not ones who need the most support.

“I’m not focusing on those kids [identified for the sprint] for my last ditch effort before the end of the school year because I’m focusing on my kids who are really, really, really struggling,” the school leader said.

Principals were given little time to plan for the additional test prep, as they were notified earlier this month, just a few days before they were expected to begin rolling it out last week. Chambers suggested the short runway could limit its impact.

“The pessimist in me would probably say, ‘too little too late,’” he said. “The optimist in me would say, ‘better late than never.’”

Other school leaders said complying with the directive is a heavier lift.

One Brooklyn elementary school principal, who spoke on condition of anonymity to avoid reprisal, said his school has not previously used i-Ready and is rolling it out now. The additional test prep will be offered before and after the regular school day during time that had previously been set aside for independent reading.

Given the city’s focus on pushing schools to implement new reading curriculums, the principal said the test prep directive feels “disconnected from what was supposed to fix the reading achievement issue in New York City, which is the implementation of these programs.”

The order also comes late in the school year, when school budgets are already closed. Although one principal said they were granted access to i-Ready at no cost for students who were identified for the city’s new test prep program, another was told they would have to pay for it out of their school’s budget, according to emails obtained by Chalkbeat.

“I was like ‘Are you kidding me?’ You’re asking me to purchase programs we don’t have money for? It kind of blew my mind,” said one principal who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation.

City officials indicated that they will monitor whether schools are complying with the directive, as the digital platforms will automatically generate biweekly reports, drawing groans about micromanagement from some school leaders.

At least one superintendent’s office has already sent principals an email ranking how much time students at their school are spending on the new test prep initiative compared with every other campus in the local district, according to an email viewed by Chalkbeat.

Education Department spokesperson Nicole Brownstein emphasized that district and school leaders have flexibility to pick strategies other than the two recommended digital platforms if they prefer. And she noted that schools should continue to support students at all levels.

“Literacy is at the heart of our society,” she wrote. “This Sprint, launched in mid-March, aims to boost proficiency outcomes using evidence-based intervention programs that have proven success in accelerating student learning.”

Alex Zimmerman is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Almost 10 years later, NYC remains in ‘flagrant’ violation of school menstrual products law: lawsuit

2025-03-17T23:32:57+00:00

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In the nine years since New York City passed a groundbreaking law requiring public schools to provide free menstrual products in bathrooms, the Education Department has consistently “failed to deliver” on its legal obligation, a lawsuit filed last week in Manhattan alleges.

The 2016 legislation was the first in the country to require middle and high schools to provide free tampons and sanitary pads in bathrooms.

But in the ensuing years, city Education Department officials violated that law “at every turn,” failing to adequately communicate the new legal obligation to schools or ensure they were complying, according to the suit filed on behalf of the nonprofit Period Law and an unnamed teenage student. As a result, students across the city still routinely miss class time because they don’t have access to menstrual products — and when they are available, students often don’t know about them or don’t want to use them because they’re so low-quality, the suit said.

“The Department [of Education]’s failure to protect the needs of its menstruating students — despite a near-decade-long legal mandate — is both unlawful and willful,” according to the lawsuit, which was filed by the law firm Sullivan & Cromwell in Manhattan Supreme Court.

Last November, after City Council intervention and threats of legal action, the city Education Department published long-awaited compliance data. But the city’s report “falsely claimed that the Department had achieved 100% compliance,” the suit claims.

The suit asked the judge to order the Education Department to set aside a designated budget to comply with the law, hire an independent adviser to monitor its progress, and re-do its data reporting on school-by-school compliance.

Neither the city Education nor Law Department replied to a request for comment on the lawsuit.

At a 2023 City Council hearing, Education Department school facilities chief John Shea called reports of unstocked dispensers “unacceptable” and said schools should escalate complaints to his office. The Education Department has provided a “Know Your Period” student guide to every school, which walks students through how to respond to their periods, according to the city’s data.

NYC’s menstrual equity law breaks new ground

A 2019 national survey found the majority of girls across the country didn’t have access to free menstrual products in their high schools and missed school more frequently as a result.

Many girls don’t know when their periods will start and don’t bring supplies from home, and the cost of menstrual products can put them out of reach for others — a particularly acute problem in a system where more than 70% of students live in poverty. Estimates of the average cost of a month’s supply of menstrual products range from about $9 to $15.

The city’s 2016 law “was intended to put menstrual products on par with bathroom products needed by all students regardless of sex, such as toilet paper and soap,” according to the suit.

But from the outset, implementation was spotty, advocates and lawyers said.

The Education Department’s only communication with schools about the law in 2016 was a short blurb in the weekly Principal’s Digest that failed to mention the legal requirement, according to a public records request filed by Period Law.

Department officials largely placed responsibility for complying with the law in the hands of custodian engineers, who were supposed to receive the menstrual products and dispensers and replenish them when they ran low, according to the suit.

But officials did little to ensure schools were complying, and it often fell to students to ask for refills, according to the suit. Efforts to spread the word about the initiative through flyers were woefully insufficient, the suit added.

In the meantime, several enterprising student groups took oversight into their own hands. A Brooklyn Girl Scout troop visited schools in 2018 and found fewer than 1 in 5 had adequate supplies and disposal bins. An award-winning Bronx middle school podcast reported that students still had to visit the office and use a code word to get pads.

NYC Council steps up the pressure

Long-simmering complaints about the city’s lack of compliance came to the fore during a 2023 City Council hearing. Multiple lawmakers said they’d personally visited multiple schools and found no menstrual products in the bathrooms. Period Law revealed that in a recent survey of city high school students, 85% said they still lacked access to menstrual products at school.

Students said that contributed to an ongoing sense of stigma and shame about periods.

“My school didn’t provide menstrual products, and my classroom didn’t make it a comfortable place to discuss what any of us were experiencing,” said Gabriela Lopez Castillo, a recent college graduate and youth advocate for the group PERIOD, who testified at the 2023 hearing.

The suit also cites 18 examples from 2024 and 2025 of New York City educators creating crowdfunding campaigns to buy menstrual products for students who otherwise wouldn’t have access to them at school.

In December 2023, the council passed a package of new bills meant to shore up the law, expanding the mandate to cover elementary schools, and requiring the Education Department to publicly report on compliance by July 5, 2024. The Education Department blew past that deadline and only published the data in November after Period Law threatened legal action, according to the suit.

The city’s data said 100% of schools complied with the law for the 2023-2024 school year — a contention lawyers say is “obviously and demonstrably false” given the extensive testimony about lack of access to menstrual products in the September 2023 council hearing.

The suit suggests a number of possible remedies, including forcing the Education Department to work with Period Law to improve its data collection and creating a working group of advocates and officials to oversee compliance.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

After vowing to recruit ‘assistant’ school safety agents, NYPD has yet to hire any

2025-03-11T19:17:42+00:00

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Grappling with a shortage of school safety agents, the New York Police Department unveiled a new strategy in 2023 for replenishing their ranks: hiring “assistant” agents as young as 18.

More than a year later, the NYPD has yet to hire a single assistant school safety agent, officials acknowledged during a Tuesday City Council hearing.

“We don’t yet have the use of that title,” said Kristine Ryan, the NYPD’s Deputy Commissioner of Management and Budget.

Police Department officials previously indicated they planned to hire at least 650 assistant agents at an annual salary of about $33,000 — $4,000 less than the starting pay for full agents. The assistants would help greet visitors, monitor doorbells, and answer phones. The recent high school graduates would initially be placed in elementary schools and could represent a pipeline into the regular corps of safety agents after turning 21 and passing an exam, officials suggested.

But on Tuesday, the NYPD indicated it had not yet ironed out how many they plan to hire or even what they would be paid.

“Discussions are still ongoing,” Ryan said, “around the salary and other labor matters.”

A spokesperson for Mayor Eric Adams said the delay was caused in part by the need for state officials to approve the new title, adding that it has been cleared in January and hiring should begin soon. The union representing school safety agents declined to comment.

Just over 3,600 agents currently patrol the city’s public schools, down from 5,000 five years ago — a 28% decline. High attrition during the pandemic fueled by the COVID vaccine mandate, low pay, and moves by Adams not to restaff the force have all contributed.

On Monday, Chalkbeat reported that school leaders have grown increasingly alarmed by the shortage in recent months. More than 120 school staffers signed an open letter in November spotlighting operational and safety concerns.

At large high school campuses, there are often not enough agents to operate the metal detectors, which can force students to miss class as they wait in long lines to get into the building. School leaders also contend that there aren’t enough agents on hand at some schools to conduct perimeter patrols during arrival and dismissal when skirmishes may escalate into violence.

Last month, a 16-year-old student at the John F. Kennedy campus in the Bronx was stabbed just outside the school near an area that had been previously patrolled by safety agents.

A principal at the JFK campus, which enrolls about 2,400 students across seven schools, said there had often been fewer than 10 agents on hand, down from more than 20. The school leader told Chalkbeat the stabbing may have been prevented by the presence of an agent. Police officials sent about five additional agents to the campus after the incident.

The role of school safety agents, who are unarmed but wear police uniforms and are employed by the police department, has been hotly debated in recent years. Some critics argue stationing police staff in schools leads to the criminalization of low-level misbehavior, particularly among students of color. Yet large majorities of parents, students, and educators believe the agents help keep schools safe, according to survey data.

Still, even some safety staff were skeptical that hiring recent high school graduates as assistant agents would be useful.

One safety agent who patrols in the Bronx and spoke on condition of anonymity said the program was unlikely to address some of the biggest barriers in hiring. Many people don’t want to join the school safety division because of the pay, the agent said. A recent move by the NYPD commissioner to loosen the eligibility requirements for uniformed officers amid a shortage of cops might draw even more people away from the school safety division, the agent added.

In the meantime, some schools are deploying alternatives to school police to maintain safety, including partnering with community organizations to help supervise students during arrival or dismissal. Some critics of school policing think the city should rethink how to approach school safety, especially given the challenges of hiring new agents.

The assistant agent role “is an example of a really bad policy,” said Andrea Ortiz, of the Dignity in Schools coalition, which opposes NYPD and metal detectors in schools. While other Education Department programs aim to ease students into middle class careers, “we are funneling students into a poorly paid, bad job pipeline.”

Alex Zimmerman is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

NYC’s school safety force has shrunk by nearly a third. Principals are raising alarms.

2025-03-10T22:50:05+00:00

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As Principal Mark House greeted students at the John F. Kennedy campus in the Bronx last month, a student staggered toward him, face covered in blood.

Initially, House thought the 16-year-old had been in an accident and started escorting him to the on-site health clinic. But on the way there, the student collapsed. It turned out he had been stabbed.

In past years, school safety agents patrolled near the site of the attack, a stone’s throw from the school entrance. But no one was stationed outside that morning due to a significant decline in agents assigned to the complex.

The campus once had upwards of 20 school safety agents. Now it typically has 10 or fewer, House said. He believes the presence of an agent could have helped.

“It’s a question of prevention. If an adult is standing there in an NYPD uniform, there is a much lower probability that the violent incident happens,” said House, a veteran principal who leads Bronx Engineering and Technology Academy, one of seven schools serving a combined 2,400 students in Kingsbridge’s JFK campus.

A profound change has quietly taken root in the city’s school safety system in recent years, and the situation at the JFK campus vividly illustrates the fallout many school leaders fear it’s causing.

The number of school safety agents — unarmed but uniformed New York Police Department employees stationed at schools — has plunged from about 5,000 to 3,600 over the past five years, a roughly 28% drop, according to data from the Independent Budget Office and NYPD. K-12 enrollment shrunk by 11% during the same period.

The declines have been driven by various factors: high attrition during the pandemic fueled by the COVID vaccine mandate, slow hiring in recent years, and a $37,000 annual starting salary.

Large high school campuses like JFK that depend on safety agents to operate metal detectors have been hardest hit, as they often do not have enough staff to run the machines, making students late for class as they snake through long lines during arrival.

School leaders have raised alarms about the issue. Some campuses have seen their rosters of school safety agents cut by half or more in recent years, according to more than 120 school administrators and staffers who signed an open letter to NYPD and Education Department officials in November calling on the city to hire additional agents and replace broken scanners.

The shortage of agents makes it harder to keep campuses open on nights and weekends for extracurricular activities, since agents are often required to be on site, school leaders said. And there are rarely enough agents available to do perimeter patrols that used to be commonplace during arrival and dismissal.

Some principals said they don’t have enough excess school staff to help monitor those transitions, and even if they did, the staffers don’t have the training to respond to a violent incident.

At the JFK campus, city officials reacted to the stabbing by adding about five additional agents, House said. And while the student who was attacked is recovering, the incident left the community shaken.

“It’s devastating,” House said. “To have [a student] bleeding in your arms is pretty awful.”

Fears of a looming school safety crisis

While the ranks of safety agents shrunk during the pandemic, the number of weapons showing up at schoolhouse doors surged — with students often reporting that they’re trying to protect themselves on their commutes. That’s created a daunting safety challenge for many schools.

Some principals fear the decline in safety agents may snowball into a broader crisis.

Other educators and advocates, however, see the reduced police presence as a step in the right direction after warning for years about school police criminalizing minor misbehavior, particularly among Black and Latino children. On certain campuses, school leaders partner with community organizations whose staff help supervise dismissal and defuse conflicts rather than relying solely on safety agents.

“Politicians and school leaders have chosen to harden schools for over 40 years, and it just doesn’t work,” said Andrea Ortiz, from the Dignity in Schools coalition, which opposes NYPD and metal detectors in schools. Ortiz supports hiring more staff to help with safety during arrival and dismissal — though not NYPD employees.

Large high school campuses like JFK, pictured here, have been hardest hit by the school safety agent shortage.

But even as some school administrators are open to alternatives to safety agents, many are frustrated that there has not been a systemic response to the shortage.

Neither the Education Department nor the NYPD responded to the November letter about the lack of safety agents, said Michael Barakat, the principal of the Bronx High School for Law and Community Service, one of the letter’s authors.

“The fact that there’s been absolutely no response,” Barakat said, “is alarming.”

Education Department spokesperson Nicole Brownstein did not dispute that the agency had not responded to the letter, noting school safety agents are under the NYPD’s purview.

“We recognize that our city is facing a shortage of school safety agents, and we are continuing to work with our partners at NYPD School Safety to mitigate these issues,” she wrote in an email.

An NYPD spokesperson said the agency is “always ready and willing to recruit for the School Safety Division.” They did not cite any specific efforts to significantly increase the number of agents.

A decline years in the making

The city’s school safety division rivals the size of many other cities’ police forces and has long sparked fierce debate.

Critics note that safety agents often respond to crises better left to counselors. Others counter that large majorities of students, parents, and teachers believe the agents help keep schools safe, though students at predominantly Black campuses are less likely to agree.

Pressure to overhaul school policing reached a boiling point amid the racial justice protests of 2020. Facing calls from progressive lawmakers to reduce the NYPD’s budget, then-Mayor Bill de Blasio planned to move the roughly $400 million school safety division to the Education Department. But de Blasio slow-walked the transfer, and Mayor Eric Adams abandoned it.

In the meantime, the school safety force continued to shrink. Despite his supportive rhetoric, Adams has not taken significant action to restore the number of school safety agents to pre-pandemic levels — and even helped solidify its smaller size.

Hank Sheinkopf, a spokesperson for the school safety agents union, placed the blame for the shrinking numbers on elected officials who have pushed to limit the NYPD’s footprint in schools, including comptroller and mayoral candidate Brad Lander and Public Advocate Jumaane Williams.

Williams told Chalkbeat he wants a “just transition” to a new system that doesn’t include “letting go of the workforce.” Lander said in a statement that school safety agents’ wages are “far too low and there has not been enough investment into training or maintaining their workforce.”

One veteran school safety agent in the Bronx, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said “many people don’t want to join” the school safety division because of the pay. The NYPD’s recent move to loosen the eligibility requirements for police officers amid a shortage of cops might draw even more people away from the school safety division, the agent said.

NYPD officials announced a plan in 2023 to hire 650 “assistant school safety agents,” a new position with a $33,000 starting salary open to high school graduates 18 and older. The city has yet to hire any, police officials said during a City Council hearing.

School entry wait times balloon

The shortage of school safety agents created a “perfect storm” this fall, said Evan Schwartz, principal of Alfred E. Smith Career and Technical Education High School in the Bronx. Without enough agents to operate the metal detectors, the building sometimes opened late.

“It just backs it up [with] students waiting outside,” Schwartz said, noting the delays eased several weeks into the school year. “If it’s raining, there’s not anywhere for them to be.”

Staffing issues can create additional safety risks by keeping kids clustered outside for longer in big groups.

At the Theodore Roosevelt Campus in the Bronx, which serves 2,500 students, there’s often a line around the block because at least one of the campus’ three scanners isn’t running, said Barakat.

Bashar Assaedi, a 14-year-old freshman at the Bronx Academy for Software Engineering, said it’s frustrating to get marked tardy when “you got to school on time, but metal detectors [that make you] take off your jackets, any keys, any watches, rings” cause delays.

Some educators and students, including Assaedi, would rather get rid of metal detectors altogether, arguing that caring relationships with staff are more effective deterrents against students using weapons in school.

But others, like Barakat, say the machines help keep students out of danger, and school staffers are not allowed to operate them.

Schools experiment with alternative approaches

The steep drop in school safety agents has left administrators confronting difficult questions about how to keep kids safe during arrival and dismissal, when conflicts are most likely to break out.

Some schools have seen promising results by tapping organizations that specialize in violence interruption, where community members are trained to de-escalate conflicts as an alternative to police intervention.

The Spring Creek Community School in Brooklyn’s East New York hired the group Elite Learners through the Education Department’s Project Pivot initiative, which brought community organizations into more than 300 schools for extra support at a cost of $14 million this year.

Employees with Elite Learners help diffuse incidents outside Spring Creek Community School through a city program called Project Pivot.

Elite’s employees typically fan out around the school’s exit and the surrounding blocks, clad in gray jackets with bright orange letters. In one recent instance, a group of men across the street wanted to fight several students, said officials at the Academy of Young Writers, one of the schools in the building. Elite staffers intervened and contacted the police.

“There’s definitely been a decrease in incidents outside of the school,” said Principal Tanisha Brown.

But partnerships like the one at the Spring Creek school are not yet widespread. Just 50 or so of the roughly 320 schools receiving Project Pivot funding are using it for “safe passages” programs, an Education Department spokesperson said.

House, the principal who recently responded to the stabbing, is open to other approaches to school safety. But he said that should be a long-term project that solicits community input, examines what other districts have done, and proposes a clear alternative.

Until that happens, House believes more safety agents are necessary.

Right now, “We’re still playing the ‘if’ game: ‘If we had had somebody here, would that have made a difference?’” House said. “In another year or two, we’re not going to be speculating. We’re going to be drawing straight lines.”

This story has been updated with additional information from a Tuesday City Council hearing.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Alex Zimmerman is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

NYC’s Summer Youth Employment application deadline extended to March 14

2025-02-28T16:29:16+00:00

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The deadline to apply for New York City’s Summer Youth Employment program will be extended by two weeks to March 14, city officials said Friday.

The program, open to any young person between 14 and 24 in New York City, sets up participants with paid summer jobs across a range of industries. Students who are 14 and 15 get a stipend for the summer, while older participants are paid minimum wage. The jobs typically last for six weeks.

Youth can apply through the city’s website or a participating community-based organization. Aside from the age limits, requirements for the program are living in the five boroughs and being eligible to legally work in the United States.

This year, 100,000 slots are available, part of a 2022 expansion of the program under Mayor Eric Adams. Adams has argued that the program can help keep youth violence in check during the summer months, in addition to offering economic and educational opportunities for young people.

Last summer, more than 97,000 young people participated — a record number, according to the most recent Mayor’s Management Report. The city’s Youth and Community Development Department, which administers the program, began more closely tracking which participants didn’t show up to their jobs or complete program requirements in order to open those to others, the report said. A spokesperson from the department said other city agencies filled the remaining 3,000 slots.

Overall, the program distributed roughly $140 million in wages and stipends last year, according to the city documents.

Thousands of job sites in industries like fashion, philanthropy, advertising and law hosted SYEP participants last year, according to the Youth and Community Development Department.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Nearly 1 in 5 NYC students are Asian American. Just 8% of teachers are.

2025-02-27T22:06:49+00:00

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For her first few years in New York City’s public school system, Kai Kraft thought she was “the only Asian kid in the Bronx.”

Through elementary and middle school, she had teachers from diverse backgrounds — but none who identified as Asian American or Pacific Islander.

And as a result, Kraft, who is Filipino American, often didn’t feel comfortable confiding in her teachers when she experienced discrimination from her peers.

“I let a lot of casual racism slide, even until middle school, because I didn’t have anyone to look up to or tell me that it was wrong,” she said. “I just had to endure it.”

Today, Kraft is a high school senior at the Manhattan Center for Science and Mathematics. Since transitioning to high school in Manhattan and joining the Asian American Student Advocacy Project, a program run by the Coalition for Asian American Children and Families, she has found other Filipino and Asian American students among her peers.

But Kraft has encountered relatively few Asian American or Pacific Islander teachers — and none who identify as Filipino American.

“I still struggle to find teachers that I can relate to,” she said.

There’s evidence that employing teachers of color can result in improved test scores and graduation rates among students of color, while also being associated with lower rates of chronic absenteeism and suspension, according to a 2019 report from the state’s Education Department. Staffers who share the specific racial or ethnic background of their students may be better able to forge connections that benefit kids academically and emotionally, educators, researchers, and students said.

But as the Asian American share of New York City’s student population has continued to grow, the percentage of Asian American educators has lagged far behind. (City data does not provide specific numbers for students who identify as Pacific Islander.)

Nearly 1 in 5 students in New York City identified as Asian American during the last school year, while roughly 8% of the city’s teachers did. The gap is even wider for school administrators: Just 5% of principals in New York City are Asian American. Those numbers are up modestly from a decade ago, when 6% of city teachers and 3% of principals identified as Asian American, according to the Education Department.

Fewer than 1% of teachers identified as Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander last school year, Education Department officials said.

Just a quarter of the city’s nearly 1,600 public schools had five or more Asian American teachers during the 2022-2023 school year — by far the lowest percentage for any of the four largest racial groups. Fifty-five percent of schools had at least five Black teachers, 60% had at least five Hispanic teachers, and 91% had five or more white teachers, a Chalkbeat analysis found.

New York City’s gulf reflects national trends, with about 5% of the country’s students and 2% of its teachers identifying as Asian American or Pacific Islander in the 2020-21 school year.

May Hara, a professor of teacher education at Framingham State University in Massachusetts and former New York City teacher who taught in the South Bronx, said the demographic gap can hold “serious implications for students.”

“The research is very clear,” she said. “There are a wide range of benefits to having a racially and ethnically diverse teaching staff.”

Those benefits extend to both students and teachers, Hara added.

The city Education Department is pushing to give all students “access to teachers who reflect their background and community experiences” and “equip our schools with resources that support inclusive recruitment and hiring practices,” said spokesperson Onika Richards.

She pointed to several programs including NYC Men Teach and NYC Teaching Fellows that offer alternative pathways into the teaching profession and additional support, and have been successful at recruiting teachers of color.

The city’s ongoing efforts come at a moment when teacher diversity initiatives are under attack at the federal level. President Donald Trump’s administration has warned districts that efforts to recruit teachers of specific racial backgrounds could face civil rights investigations, though experts have challenged the legality of the guidance.

In high school, Kraft said she’s been able to connect with Asian American educators for the first time. She noted her health teacher, who is Chinese, sometimes speaks Tagalog with her at school, helping to make her feel more welcome.

“Even though they aren’t Filipino … I just feel more comfortable,” she said. “I don’t feel as alone as before.”

Asian American educators bust, and confront, harmful stereotypes

Asian American educators can play a critical role in breaking through harmful stereotypes and relating to Asian American families and students in ways other adults may not, teachers and students said.

Jakoub Chen, an 11th grader at Curtis High School in Staten Island, still has yet to have an Asian American teacher in the public school system.

Chen, who is Chinese and Taiwanese American, said he’s at times felt impacted by the “model minority myth” — a harmful stereotype that depicts Asian Americans as inherently successful, often in comparison to other minority groups.

Over the years, Chen said he’s encountered peers who assume they can turn to him to get answers on their assignments in math or science classes.

“I didn’t really have someone that I can talk to about what I’ve been going through and what I’ve been affected by,” he said. “I don’t have a teacher or an adult I can share my experiences with.”

Bobson Wong, a math teacher at Bayside High School in Queens, said he has encountered harmful assumptions based on the model minority myth during his time as an educator. Some people, for example, have assumed that when Asian American students struggle in class, it stems from laziness.

“When you say that an Asian kid is lazy, the subtext is they know it, they just choose not to do it,” he said. “Maybe they just don’t know how to do it because no one taught them.”

Wong, who is Chinese American, noted his school has a significant number of Asian American students, with nearly half of the student body identifying as Asian American. Still, in his time as a public school teacher, he’s seen relatively few other Asian American teachers.

“I do find that they are able to identify with me more easily,” he said.

Students attend a weekly meeting for the Asian American Student Advocacy Project, a program run by the Coalition for Asian American Children and Families.

Yeou-Jey Vasconcelos, a long-time former teacher and administrator in the city Education Department who now leads a charter school, began her career as a teacher and assistant principal at Eleanor Roosevelt High School in Manhattan — where she worked on new ways to engage the school’s many Chinese-speaking families.

Vasconcelos found that many of her colleagues assumed that Asian families were not getting involved with school because they were too busy, uninterested, or only wanted to hear about academic issues rather than behavioral or emotional ones.

But as Vasconcelos, whose family is from Taiwan and Japan, began communicating with families in Chinese and building relationships, she discovered that they were eager to get more involved in all aspects of their kids’ school experiences.

“The Chinese-speaking families would just say, ‘I want what’s best for my kid, and I just want them to be happy. I don’t need them to get the perfect grade,’” Vasconcelos recalled. It was “a very different outcome than what was culturally expected.”

That special connection persisted when Vasconcelos became principal of Manhattan’s LaGuardia High School, the city’s highest-profile performing arts school, where 21% of students are Asian American.

On her first day in the school, a line of Asian American students formed outside her office, eager to meet her, talk about their family backgrounds, and discover commonalities, she said.

Despite her efforts to break through stereotypes about her Asian American students and families, Vasconcelos herself faced some of those same stereotypes from colleagues and families — particularly as a principal.

There were “all different layers of microaggression,” ranging from people assuming that she was not the person in charge or didn’t speak fluent English, to colleagues who attempted to compliment her by calling her “Tiger principal,” a reference to the strict version of parenting popularized in a 2014 book by an Asian American law professor, Vasconcelos said.

Pipeline challenges contribute to representation gaps

When it comes to recruiting and retaining more Asian American and Pacific Islander teachers, Hara noted, it’s critically important to consider the “huge heterogeneity in Asian American populations” and tailor efforts to recruit and retain Asian American educators to those specific backgrounds.

“That, I think, is something that is often overlooked in conversations about this,” she said. “In popular culture, there is not a lot that points to the socioeconomic, educational, and wealth gaps that exist within Asian American groups in this country.”

“The unsatisfying answer” to recruiting and keeping more Asian American educators “is that we really need to begin by asking people about their experiences and not assuming that we know, or that they all share the same experiences,” Hara said.

Several Asian American educators in New York City said the challenge often begins with not seeing or hearing about education as a viable career path growing up.

“No one that I grew up with who were Filipino or any other type of Asian went into the field,” said Nico Victorino, a former New York City teacher and current principal of P.S. 150 in Manhattan, who is the son of Filipino immigrants. “The expectations at home at the time were you were going to go into a field that was going to make money, because you have to support your family back in the Philippines and care for your parents when they get older.”

The pipeline narrowed even further when Victorino began considering the switch from classroom teacher to administrator. He had “no role models” of other Asian American school administrators, “no one to support you in that way.”

When he eventually landed his job as principal, Victorino developed a close relationship with the other Asian American administrators in his district, and they still share a group text thread. He even went on to write his doctoral dissertation at New York University about the lack of Asian American school administrators.

For Wong, it’s been a challenge at times to work in a field with so few Asian American colleagues. He said he’s found community by connecting with Asian American educators online and through Math for America, a fellowship for math and science teachers.

“When you look at why teachers are leaving, they feel overwhelmed or they feel unsupported — it all boils down to a lack of community,” he said. “To not just to attract more Asian American teachers, but also to retain them, we need better communities to support them.”

To Hara, developing systems and policies that allow more Asian American and Pacific Islander teachers to flourish can also have compounding benefits for the teacher pipeline — with students who see themselves reflected in their educators potentially being more inclined to enter the field in the future.

“That’s just a hypothesis,” Hara said. “But it’s not as though Asian American teachers appear out of nowhere. They were once Asian American students.”

Thomas Wilburn contributed.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Julian Shen-Berro is a reporter covering New York City. Contact him at jshen-berro@chalkbeat.org.

NYC council postpones school segregation hearing amid fears of Trump administration scrutiny

2025-02-24T22:51:26+00:00

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The latest aftershock from President Donald Trump’s recent federal guidance threatening to investigate schools advancing diversity efforts: a long-awaited New York City Council oversight hearing on racial segregation in the nation’s largest school system has been postponed indefinitely.

The hearing aimed to give city lawmakers a chance to publicly question Education Department officials on their efforts to integrate city schools 70 years after Brown v. Board of Education, the landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision that ended legal segregation in public schools. Originally scheduled for Wednesday, the hearing was postponed due to concerns that it could expose the city to interference from the Trump administration, multiple sources familiar with the situation said.

The council has not yet set a new date, according to its website.

The decision followed a Feb. 14 Dear Colleague letter from the Office of Civil Rights in the U.S. Department of Education advising schools and districts that admissions policies seeking to boost racial diversity, even if they’re not explicitly race based, are illegal and subject to federal investigation.

Dozens of schools across New York City set aside a portion of their seats for students who are learning English, live in temporary housing, or come from low-income families as part of a Diversity in Admissions program.

Lawyers from both the city Education Department and the council urged lawmakers to postpone the hearing to give the city more time to understand the legal implications of the letter and to avoid drawing unwanted scrutiny or an investigation, according to three sources familiar with the situation.

“What we don’t want is to have the [New York City Department of Education] being subpoenaed in D.C., and having all the equity issues aired so Elon Musk can tweet it out … and they come for us,” said one of the sources, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they weren’t authorized to share internal conversations. Musk, the billionaire and chief executive officer of Tesla, heads up the Department of Government Efficiency, a cost-cutting team that has enacted sweeping cuts across the federal government, including the cancellation of hundreds of millions of dollars of contracts through the U.S. Department of Education.

Trump administration’s chilling effect

The postponement is an early tangible consequence of the federal letter, which is part of a larger effort by the Trump administration to purge equity-focused policies from public schools. Trump has also issued executive orders threatening to withhold federal funding from schools that support gender-nonconforming students and teach about the prevalence of racism in American life.

Experts have said the latest federal guidance on school diversity efforts clearly misstates existing legal precedent that gives K-12 schools flexibility to use non-racial admissions criteria to boost diversity, but have warned that it could nonetheless create a chilling effect.

Brooklyn Council member Rita Joseph, chair of the council education committee, and Queens Council member Nantasha Williams, the chair of the council committee on human and civil rights, who were jointly running the hearing, didn’t respond to requests for comment.

Council spokesperson Rendy Desamours said the council plans to hold the hearing in the future, but didn’t provide a specific date or comment on the reasons for the postponement. An Education Department spokesperson declined to comment on the postponement of the council hearing but noted the Dear Colleague letter “doesn’t create any new legal obligations” for the city school system, and that no policies have changed.

School integration had already garnered less focus lately

New York City’s schools remain among the most segregated in the nation, but the issue has largely faded from the spotlight under Mayor Eric Adams, whose administration has not prioritized aggressive citywide integration efforts and reversed some reforms meant to open access to selective schools during the pandemic.

The City Council hearing, which was first announced last May, would have been a rare public opportunity to hear Education Department officials speak at length about the state of the city’s school diversity efforts.

The Dear Colleague letter warns that “relying on non-racial information as a proxy for race” for admissions purposes is illegal and explicitly cautions schools against eliminating standardized testing from admissions requirements as a means of achieving racial balance in schools.

Both of those policies are at the center of long-running conversations about how to diversify schools in New York City, which often select students based on academic results and other criteria.

A growing number of city schools have opted into the Diversity in Admissions program in recent years, in many cases significantly boosting their racial diversity along the way. Several districts have implemented middle school diversity plans that have made significant progress in racially integrating schools.

The city has also moved away from using test results in admissions, removing state test results as admissions criteria for many selective high schools and scrapping the entrance exam for kindergarten gifted and talented programs. Eight specialized high schools, including Stuyvesant and Bronx Science, still use an admissions exam, which is codified in state law.

Officials from both the City Council and Education Department worried that discussing those initiatives in a public hearing could bring unwanted attention and put them in the crosshairs of a federal administration that has targeted education programs after they were highlighted on right-wing social media accounts, according to the sources.

“We’re just trying to protect what we have,” said one of the sources. “It doesn’t go nearly far enough, but [we’re] just trying to protect it.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.