Chalkbeat

Chicago voted for its first fully elected school board. What’s next?

2026-11-05T00:48:12+00:00

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If all leads hold from Tuesday night’s election, Chicago’s first fully elected school board will bring together members backed by competing special interests who will spend the next two years confronting some of CPS’ biggest problems.

The Chicago Board of Elections is still counting ballots, and four races appear too close to call: districts 3b, 5b, 6a, and 7a. But preliminary results indicate pro-school-choice groups will pick up enough seats — including school board president — to clinch a thin majority on the board, reducing the stronghold the Chicago Teachers Union has had the past two years.

Meanwhile, the union representing school support staff, SEIU, was successful in backing the winning candidate for school board president Jessica Biggs, whose largest contribution, more than $1 million, came from billionaire Democratic donor Michael Sacks. SEIU has split with CTU on budget issues and in several school board contests after a labor-related dispute in 2024.

“We were one of (Biggs’) biggest supporters early on,” said Anthony Driver, executive director of the SEIU Illinois State Council, which heavily funded a political action committee that contributed more than $200,000 to Biggs’ campaign. “We felt like she had the knowledge, the wherewithal to build a coalition that could win, and it paid off.”

More than 1.1 million Chicagoans voted in the historic school board election — a number that will increase as ballots from outstanding precincts are counted. So far, that’s about 200,000 more voters than in 2024, when just half of the school board seats were up for election across ten big districts that were not yet split in two like they were this year.

So what does this all mean for Chicago’s schools and students?

Voters may have picked a board that is, by a narrow margin, likely less open to CTU-backed proposals and more friendly toward charter schools than the current board. While this majority of board members may lean toward more fiscally conservative policies, just six of them have said they support closing schools.

To Hal Woods of the parent advocacy group Kids First, the new board makeup could mean some gridlock — or open the possibility of coalition-building across different factions.

“I don’t think anyone can assume either side can control key decisions,” Woods said of CTU-aligned candidates and those elected with backing from anti-CTU groups. “I think the new board will have to work through different policy perspectives to get things done.”

The new board will be stacked with as many as eight newcomers, and it will face some pressing decisions, including how to manage a shortfall if added state money the current board assumed to balance the budget doesn’t materialize during a November veto session. The start of 2027 will test the promise of a fully elected school board, Woods said: taking the time to hear out Chicagoans rather than making top-down decisions and following political marching orders.

“Parents don’t care who was endorsed by a political entity,” Woods said. “They want to know whether members will change the way they do business.”

Some members of the new board, particularly those serving for the first time, might find their positions shift or moderate as they confront the realities of overseeing the complex district. A majority of the presumed winners has said they oppose automatically raising property taxes to the legal limit, but that’s one lever for balancing the budget the cash-strapped district controls.

A majority of the newly elected members have also signed a pledge to ban all AI-based tools for both students and employees, but might settle on a more nuanced policy after learning more about their use. And when it comes to offering more financial support to struggling charter schools — particularly those unionized by the CTU — union-backed and charter-backed members might turn into strange bedfellows.

Here are three takeaways from the race.

A narrow majority, multiple factions, and maybe two swing votes

If all current leads hold, candidates who were backed by pro-school-choice groups who oppose CTU’s influence on the board will make up 11 of the board’s 21 seats. That includes Biggs, plus Margie Luczak in 1a, Ellen Rosenfeld in 4b, LaPamela Williams in 5a, Isaiah White in 6a, Brittany Kimble in 6b, Angel Gutierrez in 8a, Juan Igancio Gonzalez in 8b, Brittany Preston in 9a, Therese Boyle in 9b, and Che “Rhymefest” Smith in 10a.

These candidates were endorsed by or received money from three political organizations who spent big to oppose CTU candidates: the Illinois Network of Charter Schools, or INCS, which advocates for publicly funded but privately managed charters; the Urban Center, a centrist organization that supports public and private school choice policies; or Common Ground Collective, a new political action committee opposed to the CTU that received more than $2 million from Sacks since September. More than half of these candidates were backed by all three groups.

Sacks is a longtime Democrat donor and fixture of Chicago politics. He was an ally of former Mayor Rahm Emanuel, played a role in negotiations over funding for CPS during Illinois’ budget crisis in 2017, and has invested millions in scholarships for district graduates. Sacks has not responded to requests for comment on his spending motivations.

Ten presumed winners were backed by SEIU: Biggs, Claudia Peralta in 1b, Ebony DeBerry in 2a, Norma Rios-Sierra in 3a, Rosenfeld in 4b, Yesenia Lopez in 7b, Gutierrez in 8a, Preston in 9a, Boyle in 9b, and Smith in 10a. Six of these candidates were also backed by the pro-school choice groups.

CTU’s endorsed candidates could win a total nine seats if Jason Dones in 3b, Blaise in 5b, and Lozano in 7a hold on to their leads. The union also endorsed Peralta in 1b, DeBerry in 2a, Pope in 2b, Rios-Sierra in 3a, Karen Zaccor in 4a, Michilia Blaise in 5b, and Connie Anderson in 10b.

Some new and returning board members might be wild cards as different factions jockey for influence over key decisions. The CTU did not endorse Yesenia Lopez, a one-time union ally who cruised to reelection on the Southwest Side, after she broke with the union on key budget and other votes. But Lopez, a progressive who was endorsed by SEIU and Our Schools, a heavily CTU-funded PAC, could still band with union-backed candidates on issues such as school staffing or sharper oversight of charter schools.

Kimble, a South Side newcomer to the board who was backed by Urban Center, ran in a race where neither the SEIU nor the CTU endorsed a candidate. She has voiced a nuanced position on school closures, an issue where the CTU and the mayor have taken a hard line despite sharply declining enrollment: She has said she would support closing some underenrolled schools, but only after careful planning and engagement.

The split between SEIU and CTU began in 2024 after a dispute over staffing of special education classrooms. Since then, SEIU has publicly diverged with CTU, describing the teachers union’s financial preferences for CPS as risky for workers and students.

Andrew Broy, president of the state charter network, argued that the citywide president race carried more weight as a bellwether for the kind of board residents want to see: “That’s the race people paid the most attention to.” In district races with much lower name recognition for candidates, incumbents, including CTU stalwarts such as Pope and Zaccor on the North Side, had an edge, Broy said.

In contrast, Jackson Potter, the teachers union’s vice president, downplayed the president’s race, arguing that Dominguez had faced an onslaught of prime TV ads and personal attacks, though the union itself spent disproportionately on backing his candidacy. He noted the string of races in which CTU-backed candidates faced massive spending criticizing them or supporting their opponents — but nevertheless came out on top.

“Despite being outspent 5 to 1, we are in a virtual tie,” he said. “That’s a pretty good outcome.”

Potter said the union should have mobilized its ground game and jumped on getting the word out about its endorsed candidates sooner, before voters formed opinions based on ads and mailers by CTU opponents.

Going back to the spring, he also said the union ran into setbacks recruiting candidates who could dedicate significant time to an unpaid position. That resulted in a number of races where the CTU had no preferred candidate on the ballot.

“We tried our darndest to get the word out and see who was interested,” he said. “We just ran out of runway.”

Elected representatives setting the agenda

Biggs will hold the power of deciding what goes on the board’s agenda — and there’s no shortage of issues for this board to tackle.

This elected school board will confront consistent challenges, such as budget shortfalls, and face new policy dilemmas, including what to do about AI and technology in the classroom. There’s also the conundrum of potentially closing schools amid dramatic declines in enrollment.

Biggs will be able to vote on all matters, not just tiebreaker situations like the board’s current mayorally appointed president, and on the campaign trail she made herself clear on many of these issues. But she will need to rally another 10 votes to govern effectively.

Biggs could be part of a majority that’s more open to making certain budget cuts, limiting tax increases, issuing longer renewal terms for charter schools, and be more skeptical about the CTU’s priorities.

School board members don’t always vote in line with their backers. For example, some board members backed by the CTU voted in favor of the district’s budget plan in 2025, which the union opposed. And even CTU’s critics approved its new contract with the district last year.

Jennifer Custer, a former teacher who was elected to the board in 2024, said she won CTU’s endorsement at the time even though they “didn’t align very closely” but agreed that they wanted the best for students. Custer fell out of the union’s favor after she countered its position on several matters, including budget and charter school closure votes. This year, Custer ran against Biggs, a former ally, for board president before suspending her campaign in August.

“I think it’s really important to understand you may come in with support from unions, you may come in with support from interest groups and your values may align with them, but you are CPS, you are the district, and you make decisions that are best for the district,” Custer said, referring to students, schools, and the bureaucracy. “That’s your brand, so to speak.”

Driver, the SEIU Illinois State Council executive director, said he’s “not that convinced” the board will be too divided and that elected officials “should be representing the interests of kids, of parents, of the community, of the taxpayer.”

Potter, the CTU vice president, said the union plans to reach out to some election winners it did not endorse in hopes they might support the CTU’s priorities, including an increase in staffing and afterschool program spending.

“We are very willing to collaborate and broaden and deepen our coalition,” he said.

New faces, many parents, and a future that is female

Thirteen of the presumed winners have already spent time on the board, from Anderson in 10b, who the mayor appointed to the board in the fall to fill a vacancy, to elected board members who have served since January 2025 and mayoral appointees who have been on the board since 2024.

Another eight are newcomers with varying degrees of experience in education. A dozen are current or former CPS parents. Less than half attended CPS. And 16 are women.

One third are former teachers, with most located on the North Side. Six new members had careers outside schools, including two former law enforcement officers, an attorney, and a political organizer.

Being new to the board comes with a learning curve: Getting used to long meetings, reading hundreds of pages of documents ahead of meetings, and making high-stakes decisions that impact how schools are funded or how they serve kids.

Part of the learning curve will also include learning about the inner workings of CPS, a $10 billion organization that employs more than 40,000 people.

Becky Vevea contributed.

Reema Amin is a reporter covering Chicago Public Schools. Contact Reema at ramin@chalkbeat.org.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Mila Koumpilova is Chalkbeat Chicago’s senior reporter covering Chicago Public Schools. Contact Mila at mkoumpilova@chalkbeat.org.

Where do Chicago school board candidates go for pizza? Here’s what they told us.

2026-11-02T22:05:44+00:00

Chalkbeat partnered with more than a dozen news organizations to cover this year’s historic election. We asked candidates 15 questions about important issues facing the Chicago Board of Education that informed a multilingual voter guide, built in collaboration with Block Club, the Sun-Times, and WBEZ.

But in the final stretch, we put one more question to the candidates. Not about politics, but about pizza — although pizzeria preferences might be just as contentious in Chicago.

Ordering pizza on the first Tuesday of November is a longtime tradition nationwide in newsrooms scrambling to get election results to their local communities. And in the home stretch of the school board elections, the Chalkbeat Chicago team is facing decision fatigue on all fronts.

So we decided to end the campaign season with a little levity. We asked all four dozen school board candidates: What is your favorite pizza place in town, and what is your go-to order?

In all, 22 candidates sent in their picks. Here’s what they recommended.

Now, we need Chalkbeat readers to help us decide which of these spots we should order from on Election Night. We’re collecting votes in the comment section of our new Instagram reel, where we review a couple of the pizza joints submitted to us by candidates. You can watch that here or in the video below.

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Makiya Seminera (@makiyaseminera_reporting)

Let us know which restaurant should provide Chalkbeat Chicago’s election night pizza by going to the post and leaving a comment. Tune in on election night to check out the winners of both the school board races and our little pizza competition. We will be providing regular updates on the state of the races throughout the night on our website.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Becky Vevea is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Chicago. Contact Becky at bvevea@chalkbeat.org.

The 2026 Illinois State Report Card is out. How is your child’s school performing?

2026-10-30T14:00:00+00:00

After the Illinois State Board of Education changed the parameters for how it measures school-level performance earlier this year, the number of public schools in the state that are considered Exemplary — the state’s highest of five ratings — rose 17%

States are required by federal law to have an accountability system monitoring how schools perform on certain metrics. Under the previous system, only the top 10% of public schools in the state could achieve Exemplary status. Officials said that led to a lopsided distribution of schools stuck in the Commendable category — formerly the second-highest category. Now, 27% are considered Exemplary.

A new trove of data annually released as the Illinois Report Card also shows an uptick in the percentage of students considered proficient in reading and math. Roughly 56% of students are considered proficient in English language arts, while almost 40% are in math. That’s up from 53% and 38.5%, respectively.

Years prior to 2025 cannot be compared because last year, the state lowered the scores needed to be deemed proficient in English language arts and math.

Illinois school leaders and Chicago are touting record-high graduation rates. The state recorded a four-year graduation rate of nearly 89%, a little less than a one percentage point increase from last year. In CPS, graduation rates also saw positive movement after increasing for the second consecutive year from 82.5% in 2025 to more than 83% in 2026.

“The fact that we’re seeing the progress we are on a number of fronts is good news,” said Robin Steans, president of education advocacy group Advance Illinois.

The number of teachers in Illinois also continues to expand, now at nearly 144,000. Class sizes are generally trending downward, and the teacher retention rate is over 90% for the first time in over a decade. But teacher attendance rates are a cause for concern after they took a hit from the pandemic. In 2019, most Illinois teachers had high attendance — with 73% missing fewer than 10 days of school. Now, about 65% of teachers are in that category.

Here are three trends worth diving into from this year’s latest state report card data.

New state rating system opens door to exemplary status

One of the biggest differences families may notice about this year’s data is the new way Illinois categorizes public schools’ performance.

Instead of weighing schools against each other, schools are placed in one of five groups — Exemplary, Approaching Exemplary, Commendable, Developing, and Comprehensive — based on what the state calls core and elevating indicators.

“If you were a school district that had significant improvement from one year to the next, you could still be outperformed by another school and be kicked out of the Exemplary band, because only 10% of schools could be labeled as Exemplary under our old system,” Illinois State Superintendent of Education Tony Sanders said.

Although the categories aren’t exactly the same, the distribution of schools across the performance spectrum has shifted. Instead of labeling only the top 10% Exemplary, 27% of Illinois schools have earned the label. Last year, almost three-quarters of all Illinois public schools fell in the Commendable category, but with the introduction of a new second-highest ranking — Approaching Exemplary — Commendable schools make up a little more than a quarter of the total.

More Chicago schools are being considered Exemplary, with an increase from 2% of CPS schools in 2025 to 9% in 2026. The portion of schools in the bottom two rungs of the new ranking ladder also swelled compared to last year, when approximately 14% of CPS schools were in the two lowest categories. But CPS serves more students with higher needs, such as English learners and those from low income families.

The designations are helpful for assessing the state of student needs across the district, but they aren’t the end-all be-all, CPS deputy chief education officer Annise Lewis said. Internally, CPS no longer uses its old rating system that assigned schools letter or number grades after the teachers union’s pushback that it disproportionately penalized schools that served more high-needs students. Under the district’s current strategic plan, academic outcomes share importance with other goals such as student growth and well-being, Lewis said.

Proficiency trends up after Illinois cut score change

All public school students in grades 3-8 take the Illinois Assessment of Readiness. Students’ performance on the exam falls into one of four categories: above proficient, proficient, approaching proficient, and below proficient.

The state education board voted unanimously to lower the cut scores for the assessment in 2025, citing the need to match student abilities and reduce one of the highest cut scores in the nation. Several states had already lowered them after pandemic-related academic declines. The change means that state test scores diverge from a national test known as the Nation’s Report Card.

Nationally, 13-year-olds’ average scores in reading and math have taken a nosedive since the pandemic, whereas 9-year-olds are bouncing back with growth in both subjects. Between 2012 and 2025, the average score for 13-year-olds decreased by 7 points in reading and 15 in math.

In Chicago, the percentage of students considered proficient in ELA increased by 3 percentage points to nearly 46% — a jump that paralleled the state’s gains. CPS Director of Literacy Jane Fleming attributes that performance to the district’s “standards aligned and culturally responsive” initiatives. The increased proficiency is especially impressive considering the district’s large English learner population, which also saw small gains, Fleming said.

IAR math proficiency is another story. The portion of students between third and eighth grade statewide who are considered proficient sits more than 15% lower than students who are proficient in ELA.

Illinois high schoolers did better in math than in ELA. All 11th grade students must take the college entrance exam, and this past spring, the cohort posted a higher composite math score at 19.2 than the 17.9 composite for ELA. The percentage of students considered proficient in ELA on the ACT dropped from 2025 to 2026.

Students are missing less school, but still more than before pandemic

Chronic absenteeism dropped again, the fourth consecutive year of declines since it ballooned as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. However, the percentage of students experiencing chronic absenteeism — defined by the U.S. Department of Education as missing 10% of school days — is still higher than it was pre-2020. Numerous studies outline how missing school can impact everything from test scores to a student’s sense of belonging.

This year, 23% of students outside Chicago were chronically absent, according to the new data. Since peaking at almost 45% in 2022, CPS’ chronic absenteeism rate has fallen about 6 percentage points. Vast racial disparities still persist — 44% of Black students were chronically absent this year compared to 23% of white students.

CPS chief of college and career success Megan Hougard said getting students to not miss school is the responsibility of everyone who works for the district, not just “one department in isolation.”

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Kae Petrin is a data & graphics reporter who covers data related to K-12 education, voting rights, and public health for Civic News Company. Contact them at kpetrin@chalkbeat.org.

¿Cómo está Chalkbeat Chicago informando a los estudiantes de CPS sobre su junta escolar? Zines para jóvenes.

2026-10-22T21:30:33+00:00

Aprendiendo de la Junta de Educación de Chicago, se ha vuelto de moda — y más fácil — entre los jóvenes de CPS.

Los estudiantes se verán directamente afectados por los resultados de las elecciones de la junta escolar en noviembre. También tienden a estar fuera de la conversación, y Chalkbeat Chicago se anima a cambiar eso.

Nuestra meta es informar a los estudiantes y inspirar accion — es aglo que amos hecho creando un zine para los jovenes de la cuidad. Ahora necesitamos tu ayuda para transmitir ese mensaje.

Creado junto con la artista local Kelly Wang, este zine enseña a los estudiantes de CPS qué es la junta escolar y cómo pueden abogar por los temas escolares que les interesan. Este zine es para estudiantes de secundaria y de high school, pero también lo recomendamos a estudiantes aún más jóvenes!

¿Y la mejor parte? Cualquiera puede obtener una copia física para imprimir — ya sea en casa, en la escuela o en tu biblioteca local. Si eres un maestro de CPS, esto sería una gran actividad para que tus estudiantes se involucren cívicamente.

A continuación, el PDF de nuestro zine, disponible en español e inglés.

Para ensamblar tu zine, la artista misma, Kelly Wang, tiene tips.

Instrucciones:

Nota: Esta zine fue diseñada para imprimirse en hojas de papel de 8.5”x 11” y en color o en blanco y negro. Está destinada a ser doblada horizontalmente y grapada.

Cada impresora es diferente, y tienes la opción de imprimir a doble cara; checa qué dice “girar por el borde corto.” Si tienes que girar el papel manualmente, asegúrate de que gire por el borde corto para obtener el resultado correcto! La primera hoja impresa debe tener la página 8 y la página 1 en una misma hoja, y la página 2 y la página 7 en el reverso. ¡Imprima una copia primero para verificar la orientación!

Si tu impresora tiene una opción para cotejar, puede facilitar el proceso y reducir el tiempo para ensamblar los zines, pero también es una actividad divertida para los estudiantes.

¡Fija que la escala esté al 100% o en el tamaño actual!

Comparte tus pensamientos sobre la elección de la junta escolar.

Una parte importante del zine es la llamada a los estudiantes al final. Queremos escuchar a los estudiantes de CPS sobre qué temas escolares quieren que la junta priorice. Ningún tema es demasiado grande ni demasiado pequeño. Escanea este codigo QR, (o haz un click a este liga) y mandanos tus pensamientos! Planeamos compilar las respuestas de los estudiantes para publicarlas cuando los nuevos miembros de la junta se inauguren.

Chalkbeat Chicago, en asociación con otros medios, está trabajando para distribuir copias físicas a las high schools de CPS. También estamos contactando a organizaciones locales que trabajan con jóvenes para imprimir y distribuir copias del zine. Si tú conoces una high school, organización sin fines de lucro local, o negocio pequeño que estaría interesado en distribuir los zines, contacta a Makiya Seminera por mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

4 takeaways from Chicago’s school board president candidate forum

2026-10-15T17:02:57+00:00

This story was reported and published in collaboration with WBEZ and the Chicago Sun-Times.

With just three weeks until Election Day, the three candidates vying to become the first elected Chicago School Board president sharpened the choices for voters by offering up distinct views on a range of topics, from school ratings to potential school closings to dealing with the school district’s struggling finances, at a forum Wednesday sponsored by WBEZ, the Chicago Sun-Times, and Chalkbeat Chicago.

And in a surprising show of unity, two of the candidates, Hilario Dominguez and Victor Henderson, accused their opponent Jessica Biggs of resurfacing controversies to harm both their campaigns. She denies the charge.

Here are four takeaways from the forum, which included questions from an audience of students from Gwendolyn Brooks College Prep High School, a Chicago public school in Roseland.

Blame game on campaign controversies

Each candidate has baggage their opponents have called disqualifying, but on Wednesday, Henderson and Dominguez blamed Biggs for controversies that have followed their campaigns.

Dominguez, former deputy political director for the Chicago Teachers Union, has been in the spotlight after the CPS inspector general reopened an investigation into whether he behaved inappropriately with a 17-year-old in 2017 while working as a community organizer before becoming a teacher. Dominguez denies the allegations and has called them politically motivated.

After the forum taping, Dominguez’ campaign said the CPS’ inspector general closed the investigation. In a letter to Dominguez, the district’s Office of Student Protections said the inspector general determined that there is “no actionable finding of sexual misconduct.”

Victor Henderson (right), Hilario Dominguez (middle) and Jessica Biggs (left) answered questions at a Chicago school board president candidate forum hosted by WBEZ, Chicago Sun-Times and Chalkbeat Chicago on Wed., Oct. 14, 2026.

Meanwhile, Henderson, a defense attorney, has faced questions about corporal punishment after divorce papers came to light in which his ex-wife accused him of hitting his son. Henderson denies ever abusing his children.

Henderson accused Biggs’ campaign of surfacing the controversies.

“Information has come to me that Jessica Biggs is the person who’s trying to drag both me and Hilario through the mud,” Henderson said.

Biggs, a former CPS principal, denied the charge and said her opponents were trying to deflect difficult questions.

“I guess I shouldn’t be surprised that men who have allegations around sexual harassment, around spousal abuse, domestic violence would choose to blame me for their infractions,” Biggs said. “It’s really disappointing that people can’t just take accountability for their actions.”

Biggs, who was fired from her position as a principal, has faced her own questions about being taken off the district’s “Do Not Hire” list. That came after she won a school board seat two years ago. Biggs has said her firing was unjust.

Different approaches on school closures

A moratorium on school closures expires at the end of this school year, and candidates diverge on how the district should handle schools with few students. Enrollment this year has dropped by 11,500 students to its lowest number in more than two decades.

Students from Gwendolyn Brooks College Preparatory Academy listen to Chicago school board president candidates at a forum hosted by WBEZ, Chicago Sun-Times and Chalkbeat Chicago on Wed., Oct. 14, 2026.

Dominguez, a former special education teacher, is the only candidate who has committed not to close any schools and wants to extend the moratorium. He contends that closures disproportionately harm Black and brown students, and pointed to research showing that violence increased in areas around shuttered schools.

He favors repurposing space in underutilized schools for mental health clinics, food pantries, and other services. “I understand that there may be red tape and difficulties and obstacles in figuring out how to build these partnerships,” Dominguez said. “But those are the things that we work on as a school board president.”

In the candidate questionnaire, Henderson said he supports school closings as an “extraordinary last resort.” And on Wednesday, he said it doesn’t “necessarily make sense” to keep “all” the buildings open. He said the district can’t be afraid to discuss the matter when the moratorium expires. “That’s why CPS is in such dire shape, because they’ve avoided hard conversations,” he said. “You have to sit with the community, you have to figure it out.”

Biggs was a principal when there were mass closures in 2013 and said the impact was “exceptionally harmful” and long-lasting. She did not rule out closing schools but said the community needs to be involved in the decision-making process.

She said previous closures were made top-down and that if the district considers shutting down or consolidating schools, it needs to first develop a plan alongside the community on what to do with empty buildings.

“Anything that we’re building has to come from an express interest from people who are going to be using those spaces,” said Biggs, who now runs a program that brings healthcare and social services to Chicago public schools.

What’s the plan to fill CPS’ budget gaps?

On the campaign trail and in their platforms, Biggs and Henderson respectively stress financial stability and financial responsibility, whereas Dominguez is tightly focused on boosting CPS’ budget by bringing home more revenue from the state.

On Wednesday, all three were asked how they would handle a potentially looming budget crisis.

The current board approved a budget in July that counts on hundreds of millions from the state and city that aren’t guaranteed. If that money doesn’t come through this fall, that could mean a midyear budget freeze or potential layoffs. That would be at the top of the new president’s agenda when they take office in January.

Biggs voted against the measure that assumed CPS would get more state money, a decision she said she was “really proud of” during Wednesday’s forum. She cited her past experience as a CPS principal who faced layoffs and furloughs from the district as the reason why she wanted to take “a clear stance against assuming revenue that is not available to us.”

Henderson largely aligned with Biggs’ stance, saying CPS can’t “create a budget based on money that hasn’t arrived.” He also railed against raising property taxes each year to maximum, which CPS consistently does and Biggs has approved as a current board member. Dominguez said he supports the annual increase, and Biggs said she does not. Henderson said voters shouldn’t “pay another dime” without auditing CPS’ expenditures.

Dominguez differentiated himself from his opponents the most by praising the board’s choice to halt staff layoffs. He also mentioned his ongoing conversations with Springfield lawmakers about pledging additional money to CPS. He insisted that there are a variety of ways to generate more state revenue for schools, including millions from Meta’s recent multistate settlement on youth social media addiction and increasing taxes on the wealthiest Illinoisans.

Biggs and Dominguez both emphasized the need to continue fighting for more resources, with the latter referencing the city as another avenue to get extra funds. Henderson was the only candidate to mention funding cuts, which he specified he would “rather cut contracts than teachers.”

Money from special interests raises questions about influence over candidates

One major issue kept resurfacing throughout the forum: the role of outside money in the school board presidential race, specifically how it might influence a candidate once elected.

Henderson frequently referenced his largely self-funded campaign to establish himself as a candidate above the fray of special interest groups. He cast his opponents in a much different light: He accused them of being beholden to a “secret agenda.”

In Biggs’ case, Henderson referenced sizable campaign donations from Michael Sacks, a Democratic billionaire who previously advised former Mayor Rahm Emanuel. And for Dominguez, his financial backing by the Chicago Teachers Union, which is almost exclusively financing his campaign, came under fire from Henderson as a potential conflict of interest in deciding future collective bargaining contracts — another responsibility of the board.

“I don’t want anybody pulling my strings like a puppet and telling me what to do,” Henderson said during the forum. “I don’t want any billionaires pulling my strings. I don’t want any powerful unions like the CTU or SEIU pulling my strings.”

Dominguez didn’t shy away from CTU’s support, saying “folks should be proud of having the support of those educators.” Dominguez also took a jab at Henderson, alleging that he had “wore that suit” when he asked for the union’s support earlier in the election cycle.

Taking a less combative approach, Biggs said the various donors to her campaign, which include Service Employees International Union Illinois State Council — a union for CPS support staff — prove her ability to organize a “diverse coalition.”

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org. Emmanuel Camarillo is an education reporter at the Chicago Sun-Times. Contact Emmanuel at ecamarillo@suntimes.com.

Pressure builds on Pritzker over whether to opt Illinois into federal education tax credits

2026-10-13T21:46:43+00:00

Just a few years after Illinois lawmakers ended tax credits for private school scholarships, the state is now debating another education rebate program — but this time, it’s backed by the Trump administration.

Gov. JB Pritzker has yet to decide whether to opt Illinois into the federal government’s tax-credit scholarship program, which allows taxpayers to donate to organizations supporting private or public schools. That’s in large part because the political landscape for Pritzker is complicated, as influential education groups disagree over which students will reap the benefits of the program.

Launching Jan. 1, the program allows individual taxpayers to donate up to $1,700 toward scholarship-granting programs that pay for tuition and other education services, and receive dollar-for-dollar tax credits. Anyone can donate, but students in states that haven’t opted in cannot benefit.

Since the Republicans’ One Big Beautiful Bill Act established the tax credits last year, some governors had been waiting for the federal government to issue regulations for it before deciding whether to opt in. The U.S. Treasury Department released those rules in early October, but they lack guardrails Democratic governors had hoped for, including provisions that might allow them to steer money toward students from low-income backgrounds or require certain standards for scholarship-granting organizations.

As a result, while 31 states have opted into the program so far, most Democratic governors either haven’t decided yet, like Pritzker, or have opted out, according to SGOlist, a site for scholarship-granting organizations. Only two, New York Gov. Kathy Hochul and Colorado Gov. Jared Polis, have chosen to opt their states in.

Unlike some of the undecided states, Illinois has a history with education tax credits for school choice.

Launched in 2017, Invest in Kids allowed taxpayers to receive a rebate of 75 cents for every dollar donated to scholarship-granting organizations for private schools, with a maximum of $1 million in credits per taxpayer annually. Nearly three-quarters of tax credits went to donors located in Cook County or northern Illinois in 2023, the program’s last year before lawmakers discontinued it, according to a 2024 report for the state.

Shortly after the federal government released rules for the tax credits earlier this month, Pritzker’s office said he would “carefully evaluate the proposed regulations and make a decision grounded in what best supports working families, students, and our public schools.”

As Pritzker weighs his decision, advocates are becoming increasingly vocal. Here’s where some of the most prominent groups stand on whether Illinois should opt into the federal tax-credit program.

Teachers unions worry about impact on public schools

The Illinois Education Association and Illinois Federation of Teachers staunchly oppose joining the program. Union leaders say it could further strain public schools that already lack adequate state funding.

In Illinois, enrollment plays a critical role in determining how much money schools receive from the state’s evidence-based funding formula. If the federal tax credit prompts a “mass exodus” of students to private schools, underfunded public schools could lose even more money, said IFT executive vice president Cyndi Oberle-Dahm.

“The teachers still have to teach. The students are still attending,” Oberle-Dahm said. “Yet they’re doing so with even fewer resources.”

Students with disabilities face significant barriers to private school admission, and in rural districts, there might not even be viable private school options, said Karl Goeke, IEA’s president. He said many of those students ultimately wouldn’t benefit from the federal tax credits.

“I really would like the governor to say no, so we can stop talking about vouchers. I don’t want to talk about it anymore,” he said.

Private schools hope to provide more to students

Many low-income families served by the Big Shoulders Fund, a scholarship-granting group that supports Chicago Catholic schools and received money from the Illinois tax credits, faced financial instability after Invest in Kids shuttered, said Josh Hale, the fund’s CEO. His organization lost a major source of funding, having received 25% of all donations in the state program’s final year.

“We really had to work hard to help those families,” Hale said. “Some of those families had to, you know, try to pay more, or some families had to change schools.”

In the 2022-23 school year, six scholarship-granting organizations received nearly $76 million in contributions. The average donation ranged from a little over $12,000 to nearly $24,000, depending on the organization.

At St. Francis de Sales High School on Chicago’s Southeast Side, families who live at or below the poverty line would be the primary beneficiaries from the new program, Principal Roni Facen said. Many of her students come from low-income families and experience food insecurity.

If Pritzker opts in, St. Francis de Sales could receive a bump in donations that would provide financial aid for students.

Beyond scholarships, Facen would use the additional money to help the surrounding community. She wants to establish a center at the school where teens could participate in weekend STEM activities. She also wants to expand test prep for college admissions exams to get her students accepted at high-quality universities.

Facen said the key question for her is: “How do we support our community as a whole and be a real resource and agent of change on the Southeast Side?”

Public school advocacy groups still mulling tax credits

Meanwhile, major public school advocacy groups are focused on deciphering whether Illinois can ensure that public schools receive meaningful benefits. Not all of them have reached the same conclusion.

Stand for Children, which supports policies benefiting public education, believes Illinois can maximize gains if school districts build up their nonprofit infrastructure.

To take advantage of the program, scholarship-granting organizations would need to partner with school districts to provide scholarships for eligible academic services. Districts could also incorporate the federal tax-credit scholarship program into payroll deductions for school staff or other local employers, in order to support programs such as summer learning or career and technical education, said Jessica Handy, the group’s executive director.

“I don’t mean to say that it will be easy, because every one of these steps will take a lot of work.” she said. “And the schools need to start now to wrap their mind around this and engage all of those local stakeholders to do it.”

Another advocacy group, Illinois Families for Public Schools, sees a different outcome. In a study with policy research center Institute for the Public Good, the organization concluded the program would heighten inequities in public schooling. Wealthier school districts have more taxpayers who could claim the credit and they might prefer to donate to local organizations, leaving poorer districts with less financial support, the study said.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

How is Chalkbeat Chicago informing CPS students about its school board? Zines for teens.

2026-10-08T19:25:46+00:00

Learning about the Chicago Board of Education just got a lot cooler — and easier — for CPS teens.

Students will be the most directly impacted by the results of the November school board elections. They also tend to be left out of the conversation, and Chalkbeat Chicago is trying to fix that.

Our goal is to inform students and inspire action — and we’ve done that by creating a zine made for the city’s teens. We need your help in spreading the word.

Created with local artist Kelly Wang, this zine teaches CPS students about what the school board does and how kids can advocate for the issues they care about in their schools. The zine is geared toward middle school- and high school-age students, but we always welcome younger students to learn, too!

The best part? Anyone can get a physical copy if they have access to a printer — whether that’s at home, at school, or at your local library. If you’re a CPS teacher, this could be a great class activity to get students civically engaged.

Below are PDFs of our zine, available in either English or Spanish.

To assemble your zine, the artist themself, Kelly Wang, has some tips!

Instructions:

Note: This zine is laid out to be printed on 8.5″ x 11″ sheets of paper, can be printed in grayscale or color. It’s meant to be folded hamburger-style (horizontally) and stapled!

Each printer is different, but if you have the option to do double-sided printing, make sure to check “flip on short edge.” If you have to manually flip the paper, make sure to flip the paper on the short edge so it’s correct! The first print page with pg. 8 and pg. 1 should be paired on the back with pg. 2 on the left and pg. 7 on the right. Definitely print one copy first to make sure the orientation is right!

If your printer has a collate option, it could be helpful and reduce the time spent to assemble the zines, but that could be a fun activity for students.

Make sure the scale is at 100% or actual size!

There is no need to trim the zine, but the original size is 5″ x 7″. If you would like to trim it, you can cut it down 0.5″ on each side.

Share your thoughts on the school board election

One of the most important parts of this zine is the student callout on the back. We want to hear from CPS students about an issue they want to see the new school board prioritize. No issue is too big or small. Just scan the QR code (or click this link) and send us your thoughts! We plan to compile student responses to publish when the new school board members are inaugurated.

Chalkbeat Chicago, in partnership with other local outlets, is also working to distribute physical copies at CPS high schools. We also are reaching out to local organizations that work with youth to print out copies and share them. If you know of a high school, local nonprofit, or small business that would be interested in distributing zines, reach out to Makiya Seminera at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Calls to increase evidence-based funding dominate Illinois education board hearing

2026-10-05T22:42:36+00:00

While the amount of money requested differed by each speaker, public feedback solicited on Monday by the Illinois State Board of Education to inform next year’s budget discussions revolved around one key issue: evidence-based funding.

Calls for increasing evidence-based funding — the state’s way of distributing money by calculating which K-12 public schools districts have the highest needs — dominated the conversation during the ISBE hearing. But state officials also heard about other funding changes Illinoisans want to see in their local schools. That feedback and future public input will be used to develop the board’s budgetary recommendations to the governor and the state legislature in January.

Here’s what Illinoisans have raised as funding needs for the next fiscal year so far.

EBF takes the spotlight in ISBE hearing

An Albany Park bilingual teacher, a rural superintendent from west central Illinois, and a paraprofessional from a district about 50 miles north of Chicago were just a few of the people who urged ISBE to advocate for more money in the state’s evidence-based funding. Funding requests ranged from about $500 million in additional money to a general recommendation of “fully funded” all Illinois public schools. Because schools are guaranteed to receive at least as much money as they received the year prior, the total funds for Illinois schools over the course of this fiscal year is more than $9.2 billion.

Illinois’ evidence-based funding formula calculates a school district’s financial needs based on several cost factors and student population needs. The formula helps the state determine which districts need more money through a tiered system. It’s up to state lawmakers and the governor to decide if they will allocate more funding.

Next year is the tenth year the state has used evidence-based funding. It has facilitated over $2 billion more for public schools since 2017. Nearly every year since its introduction, state lawmakers have committed to a $350 million increase in evidence-based funding.

Despite this significant spike in funding, Illinois school districts are still largely underfunded, according to the state’s funding formula. That means the state is slated to miss its original goal of fully funding schools by 2027.

Chicago Public Schools slipped from 73% to just over 70% funding adequacy this school year. CPS needs a larger windfall of money from the state as it continues to grapple with its significant budget deficit.

“The challenge is no longer designing the right formula. The challenge is funding it with sufficient urgency,” said Hal Woods, chief of policy at Kids First Chicago. “That has consequences in communities across Illinois, particularly those serving high concentrations of students living in poverty, English learners, and students with disabilities.”

Frustrations have only heightened as more than 700 districts are farther away from reaching their funding targets than they were a year ago because of growing financial demands. Some speakers shared how inadequate funding has led to overwhelming staff workloads or lack of mental health resources for students.

“This is not an accident. The state created the evidence-based funding formula. The state established the cost factors. The state established the adequacy targets. The state has told us through its own formula what it believes it costs to provide students with an adequate education,” said Megan Accardo, a paraprofessional from Grayslake Community Consolidated School District 46.

The Chicago Board of Education voted to approve a school year budget this summer that assumed the district would get $150 million additional dollars from the state. How much it will get won’t be determined until the state legislature reconvenes for its November veto session after the school board elections.

Career and technical education gets a few mentions

Aside from evidence-based funding, requests to allocate more money toward career and technical education emerged as a top priority for speakers. Gov. JB Pritzker has given more money in recent years to programs in fields such as automotive repair and healthcare, but some people said Monday that even more funding is needed to meet enrollment demands.

One speaker, Adam Seaney, director of Galesburg Area Vocational Center in northwestern Illinois, requested a $20 million increase in annual state funding for career and technical education programs. That money could be used to improve facilities, purchase new equipment, and retain staff.

“The requested funding will directly address these capacity issues, ensuring more students can access modern, high-quality programs that align with the needs of Illinois employers,” Seaney said.

Other funding requests made during Monday’s hearing included:

$46 million for afterschool programs.
$1.8 million for a principal recruitment initiative.
$5 million to support students experiencing homelessness.
$800,000 increase for agricultural education programming.
$67 million for free school meals.

ISBE has scheduled two more public input sessions this year. The next meeting will be held in person on Wednesday, Oct. 21, in Springfield. The last session of the year will be hosted virtually on Thursday, Nov. 5. Speaker sign-ups for both are still open.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Elecciones de la Junta de Educación de Chicago 2026: La carrera en el Distrito 1b

2026-09-28T21:24:17+00:00

Leer en inglés.

Este reportaje se elaboró y publicó en colaboración con WBEZ, el Chicago Sun-Times y Block Club Chicago, redacción sin fines de lucro que cubre los diversos vecindarios de Chicago. Mantente informado a través del boletín de Chalkbeat Chicago, el boletín sobre educación de WBEZ y el Sun-Times, y los boletines de Block Club Chicago.

Las dos mujeres que compiten para representar al noroeste de Chicago no son ajenas a la política: una se postuló para la Junta de Educación en 2024 y la otra ha dirigido campañas o trabajado para otros funcionarios electos durante más de 15 años.

Michelle Pierre perdió por un estrecho margen en 2024, la primera vez que se postuló a un cargo público, tras pasar más de 25 años trabajando en educación como maestra, directora escolar, administradora de distrito y asesora de liderazgo. Claudia Peralta se presenta por primera vez como candidata, pero ha trabajado con varios políticos del noroeste de Chicago, entre ellos la representante federal Delia Ramírez.

El Distrito 1b alberga 20 escuelas públicas, una de las cifras más bajas entre todos los distritos electorales de la Junta de Educación. Las familias de esta zona eligen las escuelas primarias de sus vecindarios en mayor proporción que las familias de otras partes de la ciudad.

Esta contienda no se centra tanto en políticas específicas, sino en distintas estrategias sobre cómo ejercer el cargo de miembro de la Junta de Educación de Chicago.

Pierre se guía por las métricas y evalúa las decisiones financieras del distrito en función de los beneficios que las inversiones generan para mejorar los resultados académicos de los estudiantes. Peralta se apoya en su experiencia política y en sus relaciones dentro del gobierno para conseguir los recursos que las Escuelas Públicas de Chicago necesitan para que los estudiantes prosperen. En última instancia, los votantes del Distrito 1b decidirán cuál de estos estilos quieren que tenga prioridad.

La ganadora reemplazará a Jennifer Custer, quien ha ocupado el cargo durante los últimos dos años y se postuló para la presidencia de la Junta de Educación antes de retirarse de la contienda en agosto.

Peralta ha conocido el funcionamiento interno de las Escuelas Públicas de Chicago desde varias perspectivas, incluida la de haber sido ella misma estudiante de CPS.

Peralta se mudó de Ecuador a Chicago cuando tenía 12 años. Pasó su adolescencia en Logan Square y se graduó de Prosser Career Academy en Belmont Cragin. En medio de la intensificación de las medidas de control migratorio de la administración de Trump, Peralta dijo que puede aportar a la Junta de Educación su experiencia de primera mano como estudiante inmigrante que estaba aprendiendo inglés.

“Estoy aprendiendo que el momento que vivimos exige que demos un paso al frente y enfrentemos nuestros miedos”, comentó. “Estoy lista para luchar y asegurar que nuestros niños reciban los recursos que merecen”.

Uno de esos temores era postularse a un cargo público. Durante casi una década, Peralta ha trabajado entre bambalinas en campañas y en la defensa de causas. Actualmente se desempeña como directora de distrito de la representante federal Delia Ramírez. Antes de eso, fue jefa de personal de la representante estatal Lindsey LaPointe y coordinó programas para la Coalición de Illinois por los Derechos de los Inmigrantes y Refugiados (ICIRR). Los distritos de Ramírez y LaPointe incluyen partes del noroeste de Chicago. Como madre, Peralta formó parte del Consejo Escolar Local de la Escuela Primaria Carl Von Linné.

Entre las habilidades que ha adquirido en esos cargos, Peralta dijo que saber cómo desenvolverse entre los distintos niveles de gobierno es una ventaja importante, especialmente cuando se trata de financiamiento.

Peralta sostiene firmemente que resolver el déficit presupuestario de CPS no debe hacerse a costa del sustento de los educadores, una causa defendida por el Sindicato de Maestros de Chicago y el Consejo Estatal de SEIU en Illinois. Ambas organizaciones han respaldado a Peralta y, hasta mediados de septiembre, SEIU había contribuido a su campaña. También ha recibido contribuciones individuales mediante eventos como su recaudación de fondos durante la final de la Copa Mundial en julio, a la que asistieron unas 50 personas.

“La cantidad de apoyo demuestra que he formado parte de la comunidad durante muchos años”, dijo Peralta. “La gente sabe lo que valgo”.

Lee el cuestionario completo de Peralta.

Si su estrecha derrota en las elecciones de la Junta de Educación de 2024 confirmó algo, dijo Pierre, fue que su plataforma de campaña tuvo eco entre una gran parte de los votantes. Esta vez, está tratando de aprovechar ese impulso para difundir su mensaje con mayor rapidez y obtener más apoyo de líderes locales.

“Pensé que no era una contienda política. Pensé que era simplemente la Junta de Educación de Chicago”, dijo Pierre sobre la primera vez que se postuló. “Después aprendí muy rápido que todo es muy político”.

Pierre se considera una candidata fuera de las divisiones partidistas. Sin embargo, su campaña también cuenta con el apoyo de tres grupos de interés. Uno es Illinois Network of Charter Schools, que aboga por las escuelas charter financiadas con fondos públicos pero administradas de manera independiente. Otro es The Urban Center, una organización política centrista que promueve la elección de escuelas, tanto públicas como privadas. El tercero es Common Ground Collective, un comité de acción política contrario al CTU, financiado en gran medida por el multimillonario Michael Sacks, que afirma tener como objetivo involucrar a los votantes en torno a “políticas progresistas eficaces”. Pierre cuenta con el respaldo tanto de The Urban Center como de Common Ground Collective.

Esos objetivos forman parte de su mensaje general: los niños de Chicago merecen una educación de alta calidad, ya sea en escuelas de vecindario, escuelas chárter o programas magnet.

Pierre señala su amplia trayectoria en educación como prueba de que puede hacer el trabajo.

Trabajó como maestra y directora escolar durante varios años en Nueva York y Washington, D.C., antes de desempeñarse durante seis años como directora académica del Distrito Escolar Metropolitano de Cleveland. Desde que se mudó a Chicago hace casi una década, Pierre ha ocupado un puesto de liderazgo en LEARN Charter Network y actualmente ocupa un cargo de alto nivel en New Leaders, organización que ofrece desarrollo profesional para líderes del sector educativo.

Pero Pierre destacó que sus hijos son su principal motivación para postularse. Como madre de familia, formó parte del Consejo Escolar Local de la Escuela Primaria Ogden. Ahora, su hija menor se graduó recientemente de Chicago High School for the Arts.

“Luché por ella todos los días”, aseguró Pierre a sus simpatizantes durante el lanzamiento de su campaña en Portage Park. “Creo en los 300,000 niños y lucharé por ellos todos los días”.

Lee el cuestionario completo de Pierre.

Makiya Seminera es una reportera que cubre cómo los gobiernos estatal y federal afectan la educación en Chicago y en todo Illinois. Puedes comunicarte con Makiya en mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Elecciones de la Junta de Educación de Chicago 2026: La carrera en el Distrito 1a

2026-09-28T21:21:52+00:00

Leer en inglés.

Una policía retirada de Chicago, aliada de dos concejales locales, busca desplazar a un veterano defensor del desarrollo comunitario, quien tiene la ventaja de ser titular, ya que el alcalde lo nombró para representar al extremo noroeste de la ciudad.

Ed Bannon espera superar el desafío de Margie Luczak con el respaldo del Sindicato de Maestros de Chicago (CTU) y del Sindicato Internacional de Empleados de Servicios (SEIU), que representa al personal de apoyo escolar. Luczak, por su parte, ha conseguido el respaldo de grupos de interés que favorecen el proceso de opción escolar y las escuelas charter.

Aunque las elecciones de la Junta de Educación no son partidistas, hay corrientes políticas que influyen en las decisiones de los votantes sobre qué candidato se identifica más con sus valores. En el extremo noroeste de la ciudad, los votantes han sido más receptivos a candidatos conservadores que en gran parte de Chicago y podrían mostrarse más favorables a una plataforma “anti-establacimiento”. Sin embargo, esta contienda abarca un conjunto de temas mucho más limitado que una campaña para el Congreso o la presidencia, lo que podría revelar diferencias de opinión específicamente en torno a la educación.

El extremo noroeste de Chicago alberga 22 escuelas que tienen una proporción mayor de estudiantes blancos que las Escuelas Públicas de Chicago (CPS) en su conjunto, aunque son más diversas que la población que vota en la zona. Las familias de esta área eligen las escuelas públicas de sus vecindarios con mayor frecuencia que las de otras partes de la ciudad.

Es una de las pocas zonas de Chicago que se inclinaron a favor del presidente Donald Trump en las elecciones de 2024. Y en 2023, muchos votantes de esta zona eligieron al exdirector ejecutivo de CPS Paul Vallas por encima del alcalde Brandon Johnson.

Aunque Bannon fue nombrado por Johnson, no siempre ha coincidido con él. El ejemplo más notable ocurrió el año pasado, cuando votó a favor del plan presupuestario de CPS que otros miembros nombrados por Johnson intentaban bloquear. El historial de Bannon le ha valido el respaldo del Sindicato de Maestros de Chicago y del Consejo Estatal de SEIU en Illinois.

Los votantes que buscan un cambio de liderazgo podrían optar por Luczak, quien sirvió en el Departamento de Policía de Chicago por más de 25 años. En muchos sentidos, su campaña representa un contraste con la candidatura de Bannon, respaldada por sindicatos. Luczak dice con orgullo que no es un “títere del CTU” y cuenta con el apoyo de las contribuciones de Illinois Network of Charter Schools y The Urban Center, organización que promueve un liderazgo centrista y la elección de escuelas, incluidas las escuelas privadas. Sin embargo, tiene poca experiencia directa en el ámbito educativo.

Un martes por la noche, en el Copernicus Center de Jefferson Park, un pequeño grupo de personas —entre ellas algunos adolescentes, una maestra, una madre con su hijo y el senador estatal Robert Martwick— entró en silencio a un amplio salón. Era la noche anterior a que las Escuelas Públicas de Chicago presentaran su propuesta de presupuesto, y Ed Bannon organizaba una sesión informativa para explicar las finanzas del distrito y escuchar las inquietudes de los miembros de la comunidad. Hasta donde él sabía, era el único miembro de la Junta que estaba realizando una reunión de este tipo.

Esa participación comunitaria es fundamental por la manera en que Bannon concibe su papel como miembro de la Junta de Educación.

“No conozco otra manera de hacer campaña que no sea estar presente, hablar con la gente y tratar de demostrar que mi trayectoria es una que ayudará a mejorar CPS”, dijo Bannon.

La participación de Bannon en el noroeste de Chicago se remonta a varias décadas. Fue director ejecutivo de Six Corners Association, coordinó programas para atraer y retener negocios en el Distrito 45 y se postuló como concejal en 2023. El concejal titular Nick Sposato lo derrotó.

También formó parte durante una década del Consejo Escolar Local de la Escuela Primaria Dever, donde estudiaron sus hijos. Bannon dijo que su larga trayectoria de participación en CPS contribuyó a que Johnson lo nombrara miembro de la Junta.

“La gente va a decir lo que quiera sobre cómo el hecho de que me hayan nombrado influye en mí como miembro de la Junta”, dijo Bannon. “Lo único que puedo decir es que haría todas esas cosas independientemente de (haber) sido nombrado o elegido”.

Bannon dijo que conversar con sus electores es la única manera de aclarar cualquier idea preconcebida sobre sus lealtades. Cuando Lisa Reed, maestra de Steinmetz College Prep, expresó sus frustraciones con la Junta durante la sesión informativa sobre el presupuesto que Bannon realizó en julio, él no evadió sus preguntas. Al contrario, después de la reunión se apartó con ella para escuchar personalmente sus inquietudes.

Lee el cuestionario completo de Bannon.

Si no fuera por el grupo de asistentes que vestían camisetas de color amarillo brillante con el nombre de Margie Luczak, el evento de recaudación de fondos de la candidata en Tommy’s en la Higgins podría haber parecido una gran reunión de viejos amigos.

La parte trasera del bar de Norwood Park estaba llena de conversaciones mientras Luczak recorría el lugar saludando a los asistentes, entre ellos Reed, la maestra que había asistido a la sesión informativa sobre el presupuesto de Bannon la noche anterior. La asistencia —unas 40 personas— fue una grata sorpresa para Luczak, quien nunca antes se había postulado a un cargo público.

Luczak creció en West Lawn, en el suroeste de Chicago, y se graduó de Curie High School a finales de la década de 1980. Pasó casi 30 años como policía de Chicago y trabajó en varias unidades, entre ellas narcóticos y licencias.

Aunque Luczak no tiene hijos, dijo que conoce el sistema escolar a través de las experiencias de amigos cuyos hijos asisten a CPS y desde su propia perspectiva como contribuyente. Durante el último año, Luczak dijo que asistió a reuniones organizadas por The Urban Center y aprendió más sobre el funcionamiento del distrito.

“No creo que CPS necesite que simplemente le den más dinero”, dijo Luczak. “Creo que primero tienen que solucionar los problemas que ya existen”.

Cuando Luczak se jubiló del Departamento de Policía de Chicago en enero, decidió que era momento de servir a su comunidad de una manera diferente. Entre sus prioridades están reducir los impuestos a la propiedad y devolver a las escuelas a los oficiales de recursos escolares, una iniciativa que, según ella, permitiría que los estudiantes tuvieran experiencias positivas con los agentes de policía.

Luczak reconoce que no tiene mucha experiencia directa en educación, pero considera que su extensa carrera policial le ha dado el “sentido común” necesario para ser miembro de la Junta de Educación.

“Apagué muchos incendios, así que aprendí a escuchar”, destacó Luczak. “Como miembro de la Junta de Educación de Chicago, escucharé a mi comunidad y cuáles son sus necesidades”.

Lee el cuestionario completo de Luczak.

Makiya Seminera es una reportera que cubre cómo los gobiernos estatal y federal afectan la educación en Chicago y en todo Illinois. Puedes comunicarte con Makiya en mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Chicago School Board Election 2026: The race in District 1b, Northwest Side

2026-09-24T10:02:00+00:00

Read in Spanish.

This story was reported and published in collaboration with WBEZ, the Chicago Sun-Times, and Block Club Chicago, a nonprofit newsroom covering Chicago’s diverse neighborhoods. Stay informed with Chalkbeat Chicago’s newsletter, WBEZ and the Sun-Times’ education newsletter, and Block Club Chicago’s newsletters.

The two women vying to represent Chicago’s Northwest Side are no strangers to politics — one ran for school board in 2024 and the other has run campaigns or worked for other elected officials for more than 15 years.

Michelle Pierre lost by a thin margin in 2024, which was her first time running for office after spending more than 25 years working in education as a teacher, principal, district administrator, and leadership coach. Claudia Peralta is making her debut as a candidate, but has worked with multiple politicians on the Northwest Side, including U.S. Rep. Delia Ramirez.

District 1b is home to 20 Chicago public schools, which is among the fewest of all the school board voting districts. Families here choose their neighborhood elementary schools at a higher rate than in other parts of the city.

This matchup isn’t so much about individual policies as it is about differing strategies for how to govern as a Chicago school board member.

Pierre is metrics-driven, weighing district financial decisions against their return on investment for students bettering their academic outcomes. Peralta is rooted in political savvy and using government relationships to secure the resources Chicago Public Schools needs for students to thrive. District 1b voters will ultimately choose which style they want to see prioritized.

The winner will replace Jennifer Custer, who has served the past two years and ran for school board president before dropping out of the race in August.

Peralta has seen the inner workings of Chicago Public Schools from a few vantage points, including as a CPS student.

Peralta moved from Ecuador to Chicago when she was 12. She spent her teenage years in Logan Square and graduated from Prosser Career Academy in Belmont Cragin. Amid the Trump administration’s heightened immigration enforcement, Peralta said she can contribute to the board of education her firsthand perspective as an English-learning immigrant student.

“I’m learning that the moment we’re living in requires that we step up and that we face our fears,” she said. “I’m ready to fight and ensure that our children get the resources they deserve.”

One of those fears was running for office. For almost a decade, Peralta has worked behind the scenes on campaigns and in advocacy. She currently serves as U.S. Rep. Delia Ramirez’ district director. Before that, she was state Rep. Lindsey LaPointe’s chief of staff and coordinated programs for the Illinois Coalition For Immigrant and Refugee Rights. Both Ramirez and LaPointe’s districts include parts of the Northwest Side. As a parent, Peralta served on the Carl Von Linné Elementary Local School Council.

Of the skills she’s learned from those roles, Peralta said knowing how to operate across different levels of government is a major asset, especially when it comes to funding.

Claudia Peralta, a candidate for Chicago Board of Education District 1B, addresses attendees at her campaign fundraiser inside Eris Brewery and Cider House in Chicago on Sunday, July 19, 2026, during the FIFA World Cup Finals. (Makiya Seminera/Chalkbeat)

Peralta remains firm that addressing CPS’ budget deficit shouldn’t come at the expense of educators’ livelihoods — a cause championed by the Chicago Teachers Union and the Service Employees International Union Illinois State Council. Both organizations have endorsed Peralta and as of mid-September, SEIU had contributed to her campaign. She’s also collected individual contributions through events such as her World Cup final campaign fundraiser in July, which had about 50 attendees.

“The amount of support — it shows that I have been a part of the community for many years,” Peralta said. “People know my worth.”

Read Peralta’s full questionnaire.

If her narrow defeat for school board in 2024 confirmed anything, Pierre said, it’s that her campaign platform resonated with a large share of voters. This time, she’s trying to capitalize on that by getting her message out quicker and securing more support from local leaders.

“I thought it was not a political race. I thought it was just the Chicago school board,” Pierre said of her first time running. “Then I learned very quickly, everything is very political.”

Pierre sees herself as a candidate outside the partisan fray. But her campaign is also supported by three special interest groups. Those are the Illinois Network of Charter Schools, which advocates on behalf of publicly funded, independently run charter schools, and The Urban Center, a centrist political organization that advocates for school choice across public and private schools. The third is the Common Ground Collective, an anti-CTU political action committee that is heavily funded by billionaire Michael Sacks and says it aims to engage voters around “effective progressive policies.” Pierre is endorsed by both The Urban Center and The Common Ground Collective.

Those goals feed into her overarching message: Chicago’s children deserve a high-quality education, whether that be in neighborhood schools, charter schools, or magnet programs.

Chicago school board candidate Michelle Pierre, right, talks to Ald. Nick Sposato on election night Tuesday, Nov. 5, 2024, at Moe's Cantina. Pierre narrowly lost to Jennifer Custer and is running again to represent district 1b.

Pierre points to her extensive background in education as evidence that she can get the job done.

She worked as a teacher and a principal for several years in New York and Washington, D.C., before becoming chief academic officer of Cleveland Metropolitan School District for six years. Since moving to Chicago almost a decade ago, Pierre has held a leadership role at LEARN Charter Network and now works in a senior role at New Leaders, an organization offering professional development for education leaders.

But Pierre said her children are her primary motivation for running. She served as a parent on the Local School Council at Ogden International School of Chicago. Now, her youngest daughter is a recent graduate of the Chicago High School for the Arts.

“I fought for her every single day,” Pierre told supporters at her campaign kickoff in Portage Park. “I believe in all 300,000 kids, and I will fight for them every single day.”

Read Pierre’s full questionnaire.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Chicago School Board Election 2026: The race in District 1a, Far Northwest Side

2026-09-24T10:01:00+00:00

Read in Spanish.

A retired Chicago police officer allied with two local aldermen is looking to unseat a longtime community development advocate who gained an incumbent advantage when the mayor appointed him to represent Chicago’s Far Northwest Side.

Ed Bannon is hoping to fend off Margie Luczak’s challenge with support from the Chicago Teachers Union and the Service Employees International Union, which represents school support staff. But Luczak has secured the backing of special interest groups that favor school choice and charter schools.

Although the school board elections are nonpartisan, political undercurrents are present in voters’ decisions about which candidate aligns with their values. On the Far Northwest Side, voters have been more receptive to conservative candidates than much of Chicago and could be more sympathetic to an “anti-establishment” platform. But the race is inherently much narrower in its scope of issues than a Congressional or presidential campaign, which could reveal diverging attitudes specifically on the topic of education.

The Far Northwest Side is home to 22 schools that enroll more white students than Chicago Public Schools as a whole, but are more diverse than the voting population. Families here choose their neighborhood public schools at higher rates than in other parts of the city.

It’s one of the few areas in Chicago that leaned toward President Donald Trump in the 2024 election. And in 2023, many voters here picked former CPS CEO Paul Vallas over Mayor Brandon Johnson.

Although Bannon was appointed by Johnson, he hasn’t always aligned with him, most notably when he voted in favor of the CPS budget plan Johnson’s other appointees were trying to block last year. Bannon’s record has earned him endorsements from the Chicago Teachers Union and SEIU Illinois State Council.

Voters looking for a change in leadership may opt for Luczak, who served on Chicago’s police force for more than 25 years. In many ways, her campaign represents a foil to Bannon’s union-backed candidacy. She proudly says she’s not a “CTU puppet” and is supported by contributions from the Illinois Network of Charter Schools and The Urban Center, an organization that advocates for centrist leadership and school choice, including private schools. But she has little direct experience in education.

On a Tuesday night at Jefferson Park’s Copernicus Center, a handful of people — a few teens, a teacher, a parent and her child, and local state Sen. Robert Martwick — quietly filed into a spacious room. It was the night before Chicago Public Schools released its budget proposal, and Ed Bannon was hosting a briefing to explain the district’s finances and hear community members’ concerns. As far as he knew, he was the only board member holding such a meeting.

That community engagement is central to how Bannon sees his role as a school board member.

“I don’t know any way other to run other than just being out there and talking to people and trying to show that my record is one that will improve CPS,” Bannon said.

Bannon’s involvement on the Northwest Side spans several decades. He served as executive director of the Six Corners Association, coordinated business recruitment and retention programs for the 45th Ward, and ran for alderman in 2023. Incumbent Nick Sposato defeated him.

He also served for a decade on the Local School Council for Dever Elementary, where his children attended. Bannon said his long-standing involvement with CPS helped earn him his board appointment from Johnson.

“People are going to say what they’re going to say about how me being appointed somehow influences me as a board member,” Bannon said. “All I can say is I’m doing all those things regardless of (being) appointed or elected.”

Having conversations with constituents is the only way to clear up any preconceived notions about his allegiances, Bannon said. When Steinmetz College Prep teacher Lisa Reed voiced her frustrations with the board at Bannon’s July budget briefing, he didn’t shy away from her questions. Instead, he stepped aside with her after the meeting to hear her out personally.

Read Bannon’s full questionnaire.

If it hadn’t been for the smattering of attendees donning bright yellow shirts with Margie Luczak’s name stamped across, the candidate’s fundraiser at Tommy’s on Higgins might have looked like a large reunion of old friends.

The back of the Norwood Park bar buzzed as Luczak shuffled through the crowd greeting people, including Reed, the teacher who attended Bannon’s budget briefing the night before. The turnout — about 40 people — came as a welcome surprise for Luczak, who has never run for office.

Luczak grew up in West Lawn on the Southwest Side and graduated from Curie High School in the late 1980s. She spent nearly 30 years as a Chicago police officer and worked across several units, including narcotics and licensing.

While Luczak doesn’t have any children, she said she sees the school system through the perspectives of friends whose children attend CPS and through her experience as a taxpayer. In the past year, Luczak said she attended meetings held by The Urban Center and learned more about how the district operates.

“I don’t think the CPS needs more money thrown at them,” Luczak said. “I think they need to fix the issues that are going on first.”

When Luczak retired from the Chicago Police Department in January, she decided it was time to serve her community in a different capacity. Her priorities include lowering property taxes and returning school resource officers to schools — an initiative she said would give kids positive exposure to police officers.

Luczak acknowledges she doesn’t have much direct experience with education, but she believes her extensive policing career equips her with the “common sense” necessary to be a school board member.

“I put out a lot of fires, and so I was a good listener,” Luczak said. “Being on the Chicago school board, I will listen to my community and what their needs are.”

Read Luczak’s full questionnaire.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Illinois education advocates grow more divided on Pritzker’s impending federal tax-credit program choice

2026-08-27T20:12:37+00:00

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An increasingly vocal contingent of Illinois education advocates, including a Chicago school board member, are calling on Gov. J.B. Pritzker to opt into the Trump administration’s federal tax-credit scholarship program.

Pritzker has about four months to decide whether he plans for Illinois to join the federal program, which offers tax credits to individuals who make donations toward private and public schools. The looming decision has created a growing schism between school advocacy groups, as some see the program as an opportunity to better fund Illinois schools while others worry it will just funnel more money into private schools.

One of the most prominent declarations against Illinois joining the Trump administration’s initiative was from the Chicago Board of Education itself. Earlier this year, it decisively passed a non-binding resolution urging the state not to opt in. However, in a noteworthy break from most of the school board, Angel Gutierrez — the only member who was absent from the vote — came out in support of Illinois’ program participation at a Thursday news conference outside South Loop Elementary School.

“I think it was politically driven,” Gutierrez told reporters, referencing the board’s resolution. “But I think that, in the space and place that we’re in now, we have to be really cognizant of any type of potential dollars that may help and directly benefit the students.”

Republican lawmakers included the creation of the federal tax-credit scholarship program in President Donald Trump’s “Big Beautiful Bill” last year. The initiative, called the “Education Freedom Tax Credit,” is meant to promote school choice nationwide. Taxpayers can choose to contribute up to $1,700 originally owed in federal income taxes to an education-related scholarship organization.

But the major caveat to the program that has fueled debate is the critical role of governors in choosing to opt into the program. If a governor — or whatever government entity has authority to make the choice — doesn’t decide to join, students in that state won’t be eligible to receive money generated from the program.

In Illinois, a Democratic stronghold, many advocacy groups approached the program with skepticism. Those who have come out against participating point to the intentions behind the initiative — creating an environment that drives more families toward private schools — as evidence that it will not provide equitable outcomes for public schools. It could also exacerbate existing disparities in funding, as wealthier school districts are more likely to get contributions from their families than poorer districts.

Some Illinoisans may be familiar with previous efforts this year to sway Pritzker to join, most notably a ballot measure campaign in more than 20 counties from Illinois Policy Institute, a libertarian-leaning think tank. Other education officials at Gutierrez’ news conference argued that the program will roll out with or without Illinois’ participation, meaning donations for education organizations would wind up out-of-state.

“It indeed is a set, settled, and passed law at this point. We’re not interacting with it in terms of advocating for or against it, “ said Joshua Stafford, superintendent of Vienna High School in southern Illinois. “Instead, each state now gets to make a determination, and that determination really boils down to whether boys and girls and schools are going to be able to participate in this opportunity.”

Joshua Stafford, superintendent of Vienna High School in southern Illinois, speaks at a press conference in support of Illinois’ participation in the tax-credit program at a Thursday, Aug. 27, 2026, news conference outside South Loop Elementary School in Chicago, Illinois.

Statewide education advocacy organizations are also backing Illinois’ participation in the program, including Stand for Children Illinois, a group that aims to improve children’s access to public schools.

Jessica Handy, Stand for Children’s executive director, acknowledged in a virtual news conference earlier this month that the federal initiative was not made with educational equity in mind. Instead, Handy suggested Illinois avoid using the program as designed and implement “creative and innovative approaches” to prioritize equitable access for all students. Illinois school districts will need to make sure they establish a scholarship granting organization to receive tax credit money, which Handy emphasized as a key reason to opt in sooner rather than later.

Further guidelines and regulations for the program’s implementation are expected to be released this fall. The governor’s office said earlier in this summer that it is waiting to see what the federal rules look like before deciding whether to join.

So far, it has been a slow trickle of Democratic governors who enrolled their states in the program. Colorado Gov. Jared Polis led the pack to opt in, and New York Gov. Kathy Hochul has indicated that she plans to, as well. There have also been flat-out rejections from some Democratic governors, including in Hawaii, Minnesota, New Mexico, and Oregon, according to the federal Education Freedom Tax Credit resource website.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Chicago Board of Education 101: Know the basics of the soon-to-be elected board guiding Chicago Public Schools

2026-08-20T10:00:00+00:00

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If it seems like you’ve heard more about Chicago’s school board in the past two years than ever, it’s for good reason.

That’s because for the first time after 30 years of mayoral control, the Chicago Board of Education will be fully elected in November. No matter what involvement you might have with CPS — as a teacher, a parent, an administrator, a student, or a community member — all registered voters can cast a ballot for one representative from their local electoral district and one person to lead the board as president.

It’s historic. It’s unprecedented. But if you’re not tapped into CPS school board politics, it might also be confusing.

Here’s everything you need to know about the school board and the shift from mayoral control to elected representation.

What is the Chicago Board of Education?

The city’s school board is the primary entity tasked with creating the vision and setting priorities for Chicago Public Schools. Its role differs from that of CPS’ central office, led by CEO Macquline King, which handles more of the district’s day-to-day operations.

The Chicago Board of Education shares many responsibilities with school boards across the country. It is meant to follow several guiding principles laid out by the Illinois Association of Schools Boards, including clarifying the district’s purpose and monitoring its progress toward the goals it sets.

Chicago’s school board is enshrined in state law, but its structure has proven malleable in reality. Most notably, in 1995, as part of a broader state legislative package to improve CPS’ academic performance, Chicago Mayor Richard M. Daley was given responsibility for appointing a five-member board — known as the Reform Board of Trustees — to spearhead transformative reform.

In 1999, it reverted to its old title as the Chicago Board of Education and increased its membership to seven people. It grew to 21 people after 10 members were elected in 2024 and were joined by 11 mayoral appointees.

What does Chicago’s school board specifically do?

Some Chicagoans may be most familiar with one of the board’s core functions: making financial decisions. The school board has the power to raise local property taxes and decides how to allocate local revenue and streams of state and federal funding to schools.

While more granular spending decisions are usually left to school and district administrators, the board’s budgetary clout can supersede their authority. This was demonstrated in the board’s latest budget approval last month, when a narrow majority of members voted to rescind hundreds of staff layoffs that King’s office had made to address the district’s more than $700 million budget deficit. The board instead built in a revenue assumption that state lawmakers would provide $150 million more than they had already allocated.

Another one of the board’s key powers, hiring a district leader to fill the roles of CEO and superintendent, has been in the spotlight for much of the past year. After choosing someone to head the district, the board evaluates that person’s performance.

Important paperwork, such as collective bargaining agreements with labor unions and contracts with charter school operators, also requires board approval.

A school board is supposed to be responsive to the communities it serves. In Chicago, the board now has power to gather community input through referendums. It also must gather input on proposed changes to district policies.

Receiving community input is one of the main functions of the Chicago Board of Education, which can included feedback from Chicago Public Schools students themselves.

It’s not always easy to reach a consensus on these recommendations. The board now has 21 members, each with differing views on how best to serve CPS students and educators.

Why do we have so many school board members in Chicago?

We know, 21 people is a lot of school board members. Chicago has one of the largest elected boards among major U.S. cities. It dwarfs Illinois’ average of about seven school board members per district, according to Ballotpedia.

The Illinois General Assembly passed a bill in 2021 to triple the board’s membership from seven to 21 people, including the board president.

A desire for better representation on Chicago’s school board — rather than unceasing mayoral control — played a large part in adding more members. To determine how those members would represent different parts of Chicago, state lawmakers passed separate legislation in March 2024 dividing the city into electoral districts.

The expansion received mixed feedback. Some education advocates applauded the move, while others feared the large school board would create a messier policymaking process.

As a compromise, lawmakers created a transition period that started in 2024 with the election of 10 members who joined 11 mayoral appointees for a two-year hybrid period.

Why didn’t Chicago always vote for school board members?

Outside Chicago, elected school boards aren’t a novel idea. Most school boards in Illinois and across the U.S. are elected.

Illinois legislators initiated the process to fully elect the board by 2026 in the same law that put 21 members on the Chicago Board of Education. Despite pushback from some local groups and former Mayor Lori Lightfoot, the bill passed the legislature and was signed into law by Gov. J.B. Pritzker in 2021.

Demands for an elected school board long preceded the bill’s passage, with prominent organizations such as the Chicago Teachers Union championing the change as a way to hold the board accountable to families and educators. Several decisions made by the appointed board had soured public perceptions of the governing body, including its unanimous vote approving former Mayor Rahm Emanuel’s plan to close about 50 schools, which disproportionately affected Black students.

As part of the path to a fully elected board, lawmakers required half the board to be elected in 2024. The other half remained mayoral appointees. Voters delivered disparate results on what local factions they wanted to represent them by voting in four CTU-backed candidates, three pro-charter candidates, and three independents.

Two years later, Chicagoans will be deciding who represents them in all 21 board positions.

Does that mean I have to vote for my school board member every two years?

It depends where you live in your district and what year it is.

Each of the 10 districts Chicagoans voted in during the 2024 election had about 275,000 residents and has since been divided into two subdistricts. Voters will elect a candidate running in their half of the district, referred to as the “a” or “b” subdistrict. That means each district will produce two elected school board members.

Per state law, members elected to replace mayoral appointees will initially serve two-year terms, while those taking office in subdistricts represented by members previously elected in 2024 will serve four-year terms.

The term lengths will swap starting in the 2028 general election. So, a school board member elected this year to serve a two-year term will be up for a four-year term if they win reelection in 2028.

What’s in it for the CPS board members? Do they get paid?

No, members do not get paid for serving on the board. Illinois state law prohibits it, although members can be reimbursed for related job expenses. Serving on the board averages about 25 to 30 hours per month for members, according to the board’s website.

Some current board members have quit their day jobs to give more of their time to the position. Critics argue the lack of pay disincentivizes working parents and teachers from running for office and have called on state lawmakers to legalize some form of compensation. An effort to make that change fizzled out in the House earlier this year.

Opponents of board compensation contend that creating salaries for board members would siphon money away from already underfunded school resources.

For now, board members are compensated with something a bit less tangible: influence over the fourth-largest school district in the country.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

JB Pritzker’s education record earns him key reelection endorsement from Illinois teachers union

2026-08-17T22:44:20+00:00

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Gov. J.B. Pritzker, who is seeking reelection this November, received a key endorsement on his education policies from the state’s largest union this week.

Monday’s announcement marks the third time the Illinois Education Association, which represents more than 135,000 teachers, professors, and support staff statewide, has endorsed Pritzker for governor. The Illinois Federation of Teachers — the other statewide teachers union and the parent organization to the Chicago Teachers Union — has yet to make an endorsement in the race.

The IEA’s endorsement comes at an important crossroads for Pritzker, as two closely watched education issues loom over the final months of his second term.

“This governor is on the right side of history, which means a better future for public education in Illinois,” said IEA president Karl Goeke, citing Pritzker’s policies on minimum teacher salary raises, preventing book bans, and restricting cellphones in schools.

The first issue for Pritzker, who has championed public schools, is whether Illinois will opt into the Trump administration’s federal tax credit scholarship program by the end of the year. Starting in 2027, individuals can donate up to $1,700 to specific education nonprofits and be reimbursed by the federal government. Governors have the sole responsibility for deciding whether their states will participate, although their ability to mold programs to their liking seems increasingly unlikely.

Pritzker hasn’t indicated publicly whether Illinois will participate, although text messages obtained by the Chicago Tribune signaled he was wary of the program earlier this year. So far, Colorado Gov. Jared Polis is the only Democrat to have opted his state into the program, although a handful of other Democratic governors have said they intend to opt in.

The other problem facing Illinois’ governor is how to respond to the Chicago Board of Education’s demand for $150 million additional state dollars to fill the district’s budget deficit during the upcoming veto session. Chicago’s school board voted to pass a budget that assumes it will receive that funding last month, but the request faces an uphill battle to get approval from state lawmakers and Pritzker.

Pritzker’s name has also circulated in the past year as a possible contender in the 2028 presidential race. Education remains a core point of contention across the country, meaning Pritzker’s record on Illinois schools could wind up on the national stage.

Facing off against Pritzker in his bid for reelection is Darren Bailey, a former Republican state lawmaker. This is the second time voters will see this matchup on their ballots, as Pritzker handily defeated Bailey in 2022 to win his second term as governor.

This story has been updated to include mention of the Illinois Federation of Teachers.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Despite state funding increase, gap to adequately fund schools widens in most Illinois districts

2026-08-08T00:07:47+00:00

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Chicago Public Schools is further away from having enough money to meet its students’ needs as defined by the state, according to new data released by the Illinois State Board of Education.

Under ISBE’s calculations released Friday, CPS is now considered a little over 70% adequately funded, compared with 73% last year. CPS isn’t alone in that shift. More than 700 school districts regressed from hitting the state’s target of 90% funding adequacy, a metric reached by assessing a district’s student population and ability to pay for a variety of common cost factors.

The backslide is due, in part, to the state changing how it counted low-income students. Officials said they decided to count students “who were eligible for federal social programs as of July 1,” including Medicaid and the Supplemental Nutrition and Assistance Program, or SNAP.

The widening gap in funding adequacy for hundreds of districts, including Chicago, adds fuel to the Chicago Teachers Union’s argument that the city’s schools need lawmakers to commit more money. The Board of Education echoed this sentiment when they recently passed a budget assuming the state will increase funding during the fall veto session in November.

Illinois Federation of Teachers and Chicago Teachers Union President Stacy Davis Gates called the funding distribution a “wake-up call” to the state. However, amending the state’s budget now would be hard and require a three-fifths majority vote.

Illinois’ way of funding schools assumes students with higher-needs cost more to educate. Adequacy targets for each district fluctuate annually based on the students being served, which is why an increase in low-income students raises the cost the formula says is necessary to reach adequacy.

Identifying low-income students for the formula is likely to change further next year. Illinois lawmakers put $200,000 in this year’s budget for the state education department to come up with a new way to count low-income students in response to the Trump administration’s “Big Beautiful Bill,” which cut funding for many social programs.

There was a 43% rise in low-income students this year, according to ISBE. That coupled with lower property tax revenues and increases in teacher salaries and instructional material costs are what is driving districts away from being adequately funded, state Superintendent Tony Sanders told reporters in a webinar Friday.

Schools get at least the same amount of money they received the year prior. Districts furthest from achieving adequate funding are first in line to receive more money. Lawmakers added $350 million — the typical annual funding commitment — this year as part of the state budget.

Despite more districts faltering in their march toward adequate funding, total state spending on K-12 schools totals over $9 billion. That’s up by more than $2 billion since evidence-based funding was introduced in 2017.

Notably, that money is unrestricted. So districts do not have to use the money exactly in line with where the state identified heightened needs.

Zooming in on Chicago’s state funding this year

Chicago Public Schools remains one of the neediest districts in Illinois.

Overall, CPS will get about $1.9 billion from the state for the 2026-27 school year. That’s nearly $66 million – or about one-fifth — of the $350 million increase in state education funding. But it falls just short of the $2 billion the Chicago Board of Education hopes to get.

Last week, the school board passed an amended budget that increased the amount it expected to get from the state through the evidence-based formula, from $1.9 billion to $2 billion. Additionally, it assumes $50 million more from a separate pot of state funding that’s meant to reimburse CPS for other services, such as special education and student transportation costs.

The board also directed CPS CEO Macquline King to reverse hundreds of staff layoffs as part of its new budget.

If the funding doesn’t come through, schools may be forced to cut staff or programs in the middle of the school year. While King urged the board not to assume more funding than CPS was expecting, she and board members have said they will press the state to boost its support during the Illinois legislature’s November veto session, which would require three-fifths of lawmakers in the state House and Senate to approve.

“We will be working with our government partners at both the city and the state level to secure the additional funding that our schools need, and we really hope that you stay tuned so that we can inform you how you can help us with that advocacy for additional school funding,” King said Thursday evening during a webinar for the public.

If lawmakers agreed to give CPS more money, Sanders said ISBE would advocate that all districts get a funding increase.

Disbursements of funds to districts should start Monday, according to ISBE.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org. Reema Amin is a reporter covering Chicago Public Schools. Contact Reema at ramin@chalkbeat.org.

Illinois back-to-school sales tax holiday starts Aug. 7. Here’s what qualifies.

2026-08-05T21:16:19+00:00

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Hold off on back-to-school shopping just a little longer — your wallet will thank you.

Families across Illinois can save a bit of money when they go shopping this week because of the state’s upcoming sales tax holiday. Starting Friday, the state’s 6.25% sales tax will be cut to 1.25% on qualifying school supplies and clothing for children and teens. If a store has a higher sales tax than the standard, it will decrease the rate by 5 percentage points.

Not all parents and educators will get that relief this back-to-school season. Illinois is one of just 17 states implementing a sales tax reduction before students return to school this year, according to the Federation of Tax Administrators.

The tax holiday comes as school supplies have grown more expensive, adding to the rising costs frustrating many Americans. Since last year, the prices of items such as lunch boxes, notebooks, and index cards have increased by more than 20%, according to The Century Foundation, a progressive policy think tank.

Here’s what you need to know before going back-to-school shopping.

When is the tax holiday?

This year’s back-to-school sales tax holiday in Illinois runs from Aug. 7 through Aug. 16.

In Chicago, that means families and educators can shop until about a week before K-12 students kick off the new school year on Aug. 24.

What items are eligible for a reduced sales tax?

Many school supplies are included in this year’s sales tax reduction. Shoppers can purchase eligible items at brick-and-mortar stores and most online stores. Some examples are:

Binders
Backpacks
Calculators
Notebooks
Crayons, colored pencils, markers, regular pencils, pens, and erasers
Lunch boxes
Folders
Glue and tape
Rulers
Loose-leaf paper

The 10-day period includes sales tax reductions for certain clothing items, too. Each item must be under $125 to qualify. Eligible clothing includes everyday essentials and other items such as raincoats, lab coats, mittens, scarves, belts, and school uniforms.

The reduced sales tax also applies to most shoes and socks that cost less than $125.

What isn’t eligible?

There are a few categories of items that do not qualify for a reduced tax rate, including sports gear, protective equipment, art supplies such as clay and paints, textbooks, computer supplies, and electronics.

The following items also do not qualify for the tax holiday:

Cosmetics
Hair accessories
Nonprescription sunglasses
Jewelry and watches
Umbrellas

Can I use coupons or exchange an item?

When determining whether a clothing or footwear item is under $125, shoppers should use the price listed by the store, including markdowns. However, applying a coupon that lowers an item’s price below $125 does not qualify it for the sales tax reduction.

If an item purchased during the tax holiday needs to be exchanged for a different size or color after the tax holiday ends, no extra sales tax is applied.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

How should schools use AI? Illinois is providing some guidance for teachers and districts.

2026-07-10T19:55:13+00:00

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Illinois state education officials issued a 400-page document Thursday that provides teachers with an extensive framework for using artificial intelligence responsibly in the classroom.

How the technology gets used in schools is ultimately up to district leaders and the guidance document emphasizes the importance of human relationships in teaching and learning. It also discloses that popular AI chatbots ChatGPT, Claude, and Gemini assisted in early drafts of the framework.

Rather than releasing a state mandate, state lawmakers directed the Illinois State Board of Education to develop AI recommendations for district policymakers last year — a step a majority of states have already taken. That flexibility is by design, as the guidance emphasizes “informed decisions based on local context, capacity, and community priorities,” according to the state’s top education agency.

“Our responsibility is to help schools navigate new technologies in a way that strengthens instruction, protects students, and builds trust for informed AI use between districts and the families and communities they serve,” state Superintendent of Education Tony Sanders said in a statement.

Educators across the country are grappling with how to ethically use the cutting-edge technology in the classroom. In some ways, Illinois is late to the game compared with much of the country.

At least 34 states have adopted some form of guidance on using AI in K-12 schools, according to AI for Education, an advocacy group that trains teachers on how to use AI responsibly. A handful of other states also issued guidance this month, including Oklahoma, which added restrictions on educators using AI to grade or discipline students.

Illinois’ document states that educators shouldn’t only ask if AI can do a task, but “whether its use supports the purposes of schooling.” Illinois’ guidance also lays out four main principles:

Emphasizing the importance of human interaction in teaching and learning
Acknowledging schools’ role in engaging with their communities civically
Delineating AI as a tool to inform teaching rather than replace it
Recognizing that informed use of AI requires schools to identify purposes that are “deliberate, context-sensitive, and locally determined”

Initial language for the guidance was created without AI, the ISBE document reads. Instead, officials relied on AI to provide links for sourcing, check over sections for conciseness, and give feedback on the guidance’s clarity. Much of those tasks were checked over by a human to ensure accuracy.

Throughout the document, the agency gives specific examples of how teachers can use AI to enrich their planning process depending on grade level. That includes writing more effective prompts for chatbots to assist with lesson plans.

It also provides examples of instances where teachers may encounter ethical issues, such as student data privacy, transparency about using AI in email communications, cultural bias, and misinformation spread through AI hallucinations — a term used to describe when a chatbot presents incorrect or fabricated information as factual.

Over the next school year, ISBE will continue to release further guidance to schools, as well as create professional training on how to implement the AI framework, according to the department. The current guidance includes multiple templates for districts to develop their own AI policies.

Along with the guidance, the legislation also tasks schools to include internet safety instruction about the dangers of inappropriate AI-generated content as a form of cyberbullying.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

What’s next for the Illinois Department of Early Childhood? Secretary Teresa Ramos gives a sneak peak.

2026-07-01T10:01:00+00:00

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The Illinois Department of Early Childhood is officially open after years of development by state and local leaders.

The Wednesday launch serves as the first major milestone for the fledgling agency, which is tasked with consolidating most early childhood services previously split across three state departments. Despite the behemoth undertaking to house early childhood programs under one roof, the hard work has only just begun.

At the Illinois Department of Early Childhood’s helm is Teresa Ramos, the first secretary of the new agency. Ramos, who earned a doctorate from the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, most recently worked as the first assistant deputy governor for education in Gov. J.B. Pritzker’s office. Before that, she held leadership positions at education nonprofits Illinois Action for Children and Advance Illinois.

Chalkbeat sat down with Ramos last week just before she addressed a lecture hall of providers, educators, and advocates attending a conference put on by Northwestern University’s Early Childhood Research Alliance of Chicago. The interview was forward-facing, aimed at getting Ramos’ perspective on the new department’s future beyond its July 1 start date.

The following questions and answers have been edited for length and clarity.

As you’re rolling out the department, one of the main things is getting information out to families and providers. What is your plan over the next year to make sure that families and providers are informed about the department and know how to get the services they need?

We have, since the fall of 2023, been listening to families and providers about what they want. We have been really clear about setting up multiple ways of communicating and receiving communication from families. So we have work groups, we have our own internal and external infrastructure. We have conversations with you and others locally, and then preparing letters to providers. We sent one out last month, and then we’ll send one out to families in a couple of days.

Our short-term goal is a seamless transition, which means families shouldn’t really feel a big disruption in their services or care. They should feel like where they’ve gone before is where they can go again, and over time it should feel easier to navigate. For childcare providers who are out there supporting those families directly, we want to make it easier for them to do that work.

Obviously, the department doesn’t exist in a bubble. We’re in a time where, at the federal level, things are volatile, especially in the childcare and special education sector. How are you approaching leadership of this new department given this tumultuous period?

The volatility at the federal level means a lot of uncertainty and confusion for parents, but especially providers who might get information from a Tweet or commentary on the news. We have been really intentional about continuing to collaborate with the State Board of Education, the Department of Human Services, the Department of Children and Family Services, to make sure that we are all aligned and using every communications vehicle possible to share what we know definitively and what we don’t know.

That way, we are limiting the confusion and noise, and again, we become this place where providers and parents can go to ask their questions and get them answered. That’s how we’re managing that volatility in practice. I think, should it turn into our worst fears, there might be cuts or changes in priorities, meaning our programs will look very different than they look today.

With the new state budget going into effect at the same time as the Illinois Department of Early Childhood rolling out, there were some programs that did get an increase in funding. Others didn’t, they were just kept at a flat rate. What’s your vision for the new department’s role in advocating for early childhood funding at the state level to make sure programs are meeting families’ needs?

Our role is to listen to families’ wants and needs, and to understand what it takes for providers to deliver that across the racial, regional, cultural, linguistic diversity of the state. It’s also figuring out how to orient our grants, contracts, and funding to be aligned to that, and be in a cycle of continuous improvement, continuous listening as families’ needs and dynamics change.

We have to then take that information and say, ‘OK, this is what it would take to make sure that this is not a one size fits all program that only works for some.’ It’s a program that has to work in a rural community, in Chicago, across the diversity. So our job is to listen and really try to understand the costs, and do that in partnership with the field. We will share that with the many decision-makers in state government — the agency, the governor’s office, the General Assembly — to get incremental progress, which I see in the investment in early intervention and our operating infrastructure this fiscal year.

I’m curious what this role means to you personally given the significance of leading this department. How do you feel about taking that on?

It is an honor to get to do this work every day. I love it. It is so purpose driven, and I have a team of folks who are really early childhood education and care public servants. They want to work to make government services work for other people, and that fuels all of the work.

I’m also a mom of a 6-year-old. It is hard to juggle being a mom with a full-time job and having a 6-year-old and care options and piecing those together. I want to make it simpler. I understand the juggle, and it’s not even the most extreme for me. I know we can do better. I want to be accountable and responsible for doing better to drive equity and efficiency, and ultimately programs that work for everybody across the diversity of the state.

In a year from now, what in your mind would be considered an accomplishment that shows you’ve done your job well running the Illinois Department of Early Childhood?

We will have turned on July 1 into a central place of truth for the field, for parents, and for providers on where to get accurate information. In a year from now, it will feel like people know where to go to ask a question and someone is accountable to get them an answer or to keep them updated on that. That really leads our orientation toward serving the field.

I hope by next year at this time, we should see a launch of new technologies that support an improved operation infrastructure. Nothing will be done, but we’ll probably be in some user testing with parents and providers to make sure that how we are transforming how people engage with the state or our contract and grant partners is better.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Illinois opens a new agency handling services for kids under 5. Here’s what it means for families.

2026-07-01T10:00:00+00:00

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Illinoisans raising young children now have a one-stop shop to get assistance for most of their needs — including childcare, early intervention, and preschool — thanks to a new state agency that opened Wednesday.

Three years after its inception, the Illinois Department of Early Childhood officially launches today, marking the start of its mission to streamline services for families. Instead of splitting programs across three state agencies, the Department of Early Childhood will house most of the services Illinois’ youngest children have relied on for decades.

Illinois now joins a growing list of other states that have opened their own agencies dedicated to providing early childhood services. But unlike most of its peer departments across the country, the Illinois Department of Early Childhood is entering its inaugural year amid a much more unpredictable federal landscape, especially in regard to Head Start and childcare subsidies.

The agency is headed by Secretary Teresa Ramos, who will oversee more than 500 staffers. Those include about 340 employees who will transfer from the state’s Department of Human Services, the Department of Children and Family Services, and the State Board of Education.

Illinois Department of Early Childhood Secretary Teresa Ramos answers a question from an attendee at the Northwestern University Early Childhood Research Alliance of Chicago's research conference in Chicago on June 25, 2026.

While Wednesday’s launch marks a milestone for state officials, who have a $86 million operating budget to work with, progress on improving historically labyrinthine services won’t happen overnight. In the coming months, the department will continue to roll out new initiatives — meaning families and providers will need to stay up-to-date on changes that could affect them.

Still, understanding the role of the new agency might feel overwhelming for families and providers unaware of the change. Here’s what we do — and don’t — know about the Illinois Department of Early Childhood so far.

Why is Illinois creating a new department for early learning and care?

Magda Zalewska, a mother to three young children from Romeoville, has wanted the intricacies of Illinois’ fragmented early childhood services to be simplified for a while. She’s become all too familiar with waiting on the phone for hours trying to get an answer about one of her children’s benefits while working a full-time job.

“I’ve been dealing with the system for half a decade, and it’s just very treacherous from a parental perspective,” she said. “Hearing that there’s change coming to the system is very relieving.”

Experiences like Zalewska’s are largely what prompted the formation of the Illinois Department of Early Childhood. Policymakers had long known how “bewildering” parents found the early childhood system in Illinois, but the state had always lacked a “whole system approach” to address those concerns, said Elliot Regenstein, a Foresight Law + Policy firm partner who specializes in early education.

Then came the pandemic, which only made it clearer that the state’s approach to early childhood was “never as coherent as it needs to be,” Regenstein said.

Edna Navarro Vidaurre is a regional council manager for Birth to Five Illinois’ Region 1-A, which encompasses Chicago and is a part of a broader network of 39 regions that provides community feedback for the state’s early childhood policymaking process. In her role, she often speaks with families, who she said often describe the tangle of early childhood services as a “spaghetti noodle.”

“It’s like a spider web, and so all of it is so complicated,” she said. “At the end of the day, the parents don’t really care where the money’s coming from. They just want to get into a program.”

In 2023, Pritzker announced his intent to create the Illinois Department of Early Childhood, which was shortly followed by a bill from state lawmakers codifying it into law in 2024. That legislation kickstarted the multi-year process to build the department, which opened up opportunities for community input on what people wanted out of the agency, said Bela Moté, president of the Carole Robertson Center for Learning in Chicago and chair of the department’s transition advisory committee.

“Historically, we as a state came to providers and parents and community members at the end of a design process,” Moté said. “This kind of flipped it to say, we actually need to design it with them.”

What programs will be under the Illinois Department of Early Childhood?

The Illinois Department of Early Childhood, or IDEC for short, is consolidating programs from ISBE, DHS, and DCFS — as well as the Governor’s Office for Early Childhood Development.

That means several vital early childhood services will no longer fall under those departments’ jurisdiction, and will instead move to IDEC. The total budget for implementing those programs totals $4.4 billion, according to the department. These include:

Childcare grants
Early intervention
Head Start and Migrant & Seasonal Head Start
Home visiting programs
Preschool for All
Early Childhood block grant system
Childcare licensing
Infant and Early Childhood Mental Health aid

The unification of services may be especially helpful in Chicago, where families have a diverse array of childcare and preschool options available to them, Navarro Vidaurre said. Some children receive money from a couple funding streams to get a slot at a local center. By housing the different programs under one department, Navarro Vidaurre said it should hopefully ease the process in Chicago.

Will state services for my child be disrupted or delayed?

Ideally not. The department has repeatedly assured families that there should be no noticeable change to the way they access services for their child.

But major updates are still under development, which Moté said is an intentional feature of the agency’s incremental opening to avoid significant interruptions to care.

“There is a danger to flipping every light switch on and saying ‘We’re going to do this this way, and this way, and this way,’ and not having people be able to process the change and catch up with the expectations,” Moté said. “Taking it in bite-sized pieces, I actually think will go a long way.”

Zalewska, who also works as a developmental therapist in early intervention, has attended meetings to inform providers like her, as well as discussions catered to the public. But she said she still doesn’t have a clear idea on when to expect shifts that affect her profession. Most answers she said she receives include one qualifying phrase: “for now.”

“‘For now’ means there’s change to come, right?” Zalewska said. “But no one’s addressing that change to come, no one’s addressing any timelines.”

What about impacts to childcare providers?

Not much should be different for providers right away, either. Providers will still be paid through the current payment systems they have used before, according to the department. Ratios and teacher qualifications will also remain the same for childcare center licensing.

The only big change the department has flagged for providers is a shift to unify grants under one management system called EUNA. That system will be used to distribute all of the department’s grants for the next fiscal year, such as the Early Childhood Block Grants.

Where can I ask questions or give input?

All questions on early childhood programs in Illinois can be directed to the department’s customer service team by emailing Questions.IDEC@illinois.gov.

The agency’s bottom-up approach to creating policy and informing its decisions is also expected to continue. By the end of the year, the department’s transition advisory committee will submit a set of recommendations to the governor’s office and the early childhood department based in part on community members’ feedback on what issues they need fixed in the space.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Some immigrant children are more fearful than ever to go to school. U.S. Rep. Chuy Garcia wants to help them.

2026-06-16T21:41:29+00:00

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An Illinois congressman is seeking to expand support for immigrant students in schools — a move that builds on protections state lawmakers approved last year.

U.S. Rep. Jesús “Chuy” Garcia, who represents several Latino communities in Chicago, introduced legislation Tuesday that would provide federal support to schools serving students affected by immigration enforcement. Joined by Chicago Board of Education member Yesenia Lopez and Latino Policy Forum President Linda Xóchitl Tortolero, Garcia unveiled the proposal, dubbed The Right to Learn Act, Tuesday before more than 30 students and staff at Richard J. Daley College in south Chicago.

“For immigrant kids, school is often the first place that they have in this country. They feel welcome, they feel seen, and they feel heard,” Garcia said. “Too many students now walk through the same doors in fear.”

But passing the bill will be a tall order in the Republican-controlled House for Garcia and the cohort of largely progressive House Democrats who co-sponsored it, including Minnesota Rep. Ilhan Omar. That could change if Democrats flip the chamber in November’s midterms.

The bill would create a federal grant program for schools impacted by immigration enforcement. Schools could use the funding to hire bilingual counselors and social workers, promote trauma-informed and culturally sensitive mental health services, and provide emergency assistance to families in need. The U.S. Department of Education would administer the program.

The proposal comes as the Trump administration seeks to reduce educational funding for programs serving undocumented and immigrant students. Some of those efforts were carried out through President Donald Trump’s executive orders, including one targeting states that provide in-state tuition for undocumented college students.

Federal agencies have also played a role in cutting back services for immigrant children. Last year, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services barred undocumented children from using Head Start, a federal preschool program aimed at supporting low-income families. That policy is held up in a legal battle, but its looming implementation has worried some parents.

As the Education Department continues to wind down its services and transfer programs to other agencies, the Office of English Language Acquisition has been dissolved. Its funding for English language learning and teacher training is being folded into other programs, according to Education Department officials in April.

Garcia says his legislation contains the “spirit of that office,” adding that federal services such as the Office of English Language Acquisition helped ensure mental health support for students is “culturally rooted and considered.”

Chicago Board of Education member Yesenia Lopez speaks about The Right To Learn Act in a panel for Richard J. Daley College students and faculty in South Chicago on Tuesday, June 16, 2026.

Given federal rollbacks and Trump’s mass deportation campaign, Illinois state lawmakers took steps last year to enhance protections for immigrant children.

A new state law requires Illinois schools to follow policies on how to respond to immigration enforcement agents on campus and prohibits schools from requesting a student’s immigration status or Social Security number. Another law passed last year largely blocks university and childcare staff from revealing a family’s immigration status.

Garcia’s bill is a way to extend those protections at the federal level, said state Rep. Edgar Gonzalez, who represents Little Village and Brighton Park, during the press conference.

“You need to put your money where your mouth is, and a bill like this really allows for our schools to make sure they’re safe spaces,” he said.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

CPS CEO Macquline King testified before Congress. Here are 3 key takeaways.

2026-06-10T23:27:27+00:00

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Chicago Public Schools CEO Macquline King’s summer is already off to an unconventional start — testifying in front of Congress just a few months after officially landing the superintendent role.

The Republican-led U.S. House Committee on Education and the Workforce held a hearing Wednesday morning where King answered a litany of questions on the district’s policies on gender identity, sex education, abortion, and religious freedom. It’s the latest in an ongoing saga that has placed CPS under federal scrutiny for its efforts to promote diversity, equity, and inclusion.

CPS has had an especially strained relationship with the Trump administration over the past year and a half. Two months after Trump took office, conservative groups filed federal Title IX complaints with the U.S. Department of Education, alleging CPS’ LGBTQ protections violated the anti-discrimination clause. Then in September, federal officials pulled magnet school grant funding. The district is also under investigation by the Office for Civil Rights for its Black Student Success Plan — an initiative meant to improve conditions for Black students and teachers — for alleged race-based discrimination.

“Whether it’s building community partnerships, advocating for our schools or testifying before Congress as she’s done today, we applaud [Dr. King’s] unwavering commitment to keeping students and families at the center,” Chicago Board of Education President Sean Harden told reporters after the hearing Wednesday.

Alongside King, two other superintendents spoke before the committee — Maria Su from San Francisco Unified School District and Aaron Spence from Virginia’s Loudoun County Public Schools. All three school districts are located in largely Democratic-leaning areas and implement progressive policies.

But King’s appearance was under different circumstances from Su and Spence. The committee ordered King to answer its questions in person by subpoenaing her last month. King acknowledged the legal order in her opening statements, attributing it to “complicated scheduling issues and some underlying privacy concerns.”

Earlier this week, America First Legal filed federal complaints to the U.S. Department of Education and the Department of Justice calling for investigations into each of the school districts in question. The organization, co-founded by White House senior advisor Stephen Miller, largely focused its grievance on issues regarding gender and sexuality in schools.

Questioning lasted for about three hours. Here are the noteworthy takeaways from King’s testimony.

King’s testimony style? An even tone with brief responses

Heading into Wednesday’s hearing, it was no surprise that King was called to testify on the district’s policies. Chicago already found itself in the hot seat about a year ago when Mayor Brandon Johnson was called to testify in front of Congress about the city’s immigration laws.

King’s testimony approach wasn’t nearly as combative as previous exchanges between the district and the Trump administration. Instead, King kept a steady tone and took several opportunities to affirm that CPS values parental input.

She kept most of her answers concise, and at times, didn’t answer “yes” or “no” to questions she was asked to do so. King answered many questions by saying: “CPS is in compliance with Illinois state law.”

“Dr. King emphasized that CPS policies are rooted in law, the District’s mission and values. Above all else, Dr. King emphasized the District must always prioritize the best interests of students and their families,” CPS said in a written statement after the hearing.

Those blunt answers sometimes elicited frustration from Republicans, who cut King off a few times. It also led to several reprimands about CPS’ academic performance and massive budget deficit.

“CPS has shown it is far more interested in sidelining parents and advancing radical gender ideology than ensuring students can read, write, and perform math at grade level,” said Republican Rep. Mary Miller, Illinois’ sole member on the committee.

Most Republicans focused on gender identity and sexuality, while Democrats pointed to other issues

All three superintendents fielded questions on school rules related to gender identity and sexuality. For CPS, policies about transgender students’ sleeping situations for overnight field trips and their ability to use the locker room for the gender they identify with came under fire.

“If a student is transitioning and they have gone through the eligibility process and it has been approved according to Illinois policy, that would be considered on a case by case basis,” King said, when pressed by North Carolina Republican Rep. Virginia Foxx on transgender girls being allowed to sleep in the same room as cisgender girls.

Republicans also raised concerns about Chicago’s sex education curriculum teaching about puberty blockers, as well as school staff calling students by a different pronoun or name than they use at home. Several referenced recent actions by the U.S. Supreme Court that expanded a parent’s authority over their child’s education as evidence that the school districts in question Wednesday were not complying with federal laws.

The Democratic committee members used their time to bring up other issues in education they saw as more pressing: budget cuts, immigration enforcement, and school shootings. Several Democrats also apologized to the superintendents for some of the fiery statements made by Republican lawmakers.

“You know what you do, you’re good at what you do,” said Rep. Jahana Hayes, a Democrat from Connecticut. “Do not be intimidated by this committee.”

May Day protests scrutinized

One topic that got fewer mentions in committee — but more in-depth answers from King — was the district’s approach to May Day.

In an agreement last month between the Chicago Teachers Union and CPS, the city’s schools stayed open that day and provided a full day of instruction, which included lessons on civic engagement and labor.

As part of May Day, CPS approved and provided transportation for 40 field trips — with about 2,200 of the district’s 315,000 students involved. Some of those trips was to a downtown pro-labor, anti-Trump rally, which was called into question during Wednesday’s hearing.

King defended CPS’ handling of May Day, saying it was part of the district’s goal to “engage students civically.” When asked if field trips would be approved for protests aligned with conservative causes, King emphasized that the day of instruction was “not a politically slanted event.”

“The curriculum was expansive and there were options,” King said. “The curriculum was still decided at the school level, and so were the field trips.”

King also tentatively agreed to a lawmaker’s demand that the district investigate a May Day field trip permission slip that said students would “engage in political advocacy.”

Reema Amin contributed to this report.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Illinois lawmakers define play-based learning as full-day kindergarten requirement rolls out statewide

2026-06-09T19:10:39+00:00

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For six weeks, Melinda Martinez-Epperson’s preschool students immersed themselves in studying the medical field — all because one of their schoolmates arrived to class with a cast on their broken arm.

Their classroom was turned into a makeshift hospital. The students crafted an email to a physician with questions on x-rays, and they molded their own casts on dolls.

At the Play Lab, a home-based preschool in Albany Park, students take the lead on what subjects to focus on and learn through something all kids love: play.

“They become researchers,” said Martinez-Epperson, the school’s founder. “So it’s really high-order thinking.”

Martinez-Epperson’s teaching style, known as play-based learning, isn’t an anomaly. It’s part of a larger nationwide movement to give students more hands-on and exploratory learning experiences — notably against the backdrop of an education system still grappling with pandemic recovery and how to address artificial intelligence and screen time in the classroom.

Now, kindergarten teachers in Illinois have a clearer understanding of how to implement play-based learning in their classrooms after state lawmakers passed an official definition for the practice last month.

School districts were already required to incorporate play-based learning — though originally left undefined — into classrooms as part of a state law passed in 2023 requiring all districts to offer full-day kindergarten by the 2027-28 school year.

The legislation defines play-based learning by underscoring two types of play: teacher-initiated and student-initiated. In teacher-initiated play, an educator intentionally sets up and leads students through activities “aligned to learning goals or standards,” according to the bill. For instance, a teacher might create a scavenger hunt for students to do on a nature walk as a way to learn about the environment. Student-initiated play lets children explore learning activities curated by their teacher, such as open-ended arts and crafts.

By clearly outlining play-based learning into law, Edgebrook Elementary School pre-K teacher and Teach Plus fellow Margi Bhansali said educators will have “a little bit more to stand on” if their administrators aren’t supportive of the practice.

Bhansali, who helped draft the bill’s wording, has used play-based learning on a daily basis for about 14 years teaching preschool in Chicago Public Schools. But that hasn’t always been the case in kindergarten, which she said has been turned into “the new first grade, second grade, third grade” to meet academic standards.

Play as an answer to the ‘schoolification’ of kindergarten?

Many schools cater their activities to improve standardized test scores and other metrics, even at the kindergarten level— something University of Chicago Medicine professor Dana Suskind refers to as the “schoolification” of early childhood education.

But a formal, traditional school experience doesn’t offer what Suskind, who is also director for University of Chicago’s TMW Center for Early Learning + Public Health, says is the main way young kids learn: through play. That doesn’t mean children get extra recess, but instead, they participate in activities that allow them to explore concepts and ask questions.

Play-based learning isn’t intended to replace direct instruction but rather serve as a way to enhance it, said Cristina Carrazza, a NORC at the University of Chicago researcher.

For example, students might learn their letters by forming them with sticks or Play-Doh rather than tracing them on a worksheet. It’s fun for the kids and gives them a memorable experience that makes them excited to learn.

Those types of activities are especially useful in a kindergarten classroom where children might experience a tough transition from daycare or home to attending elementary school. Teachers can observe students’ skills through play, as well as individualize their teaching approach, Carrazza said.

It’s also a learning concept that applies to children of all ages. Diana Zepeda, another teacher who worked on the new definition, often encountered misconceptions in her advocacy about applying play-based learning in older classrooms. As a second grade teacher at Haugan Elementary School in Albany Park, she instructs 7- and 8-year-olds through play, such as taking them to the school parking lot to measure a car with different unit measurements.

“When I see students are struggling, I’m like, OK, this is my cue to plan something,” Zepeda said. “In second grade, we call it more like ‘hands on’ instead of play-based, but it’s basically the same thing.”

How play pays off in the long run

Researchers and teachers emphasize many benefits for students as a result of play-based learning.

Students who are too shy — or too bored — to participate in a lesson might find themselves more engaged and less likely to have behavior issues when given opportunities to learn through play, Carrazza said. It can also reinvigorate educators’ motivation to teach, she said.

“There’s like a buzz in the room. Students are excited, they’re on task, and you know, they look forward to it throughout the day,” Carrazza said.

One of the biggest developments Bhansali sees in her pre-K students is improving their soft skills — things like negotiating, building relationships, problem-solving, and sharing with others. Children can’t “necessarily show [those abilities] on a test score or on a report card,” Bhansali said, but they are important for students’ success later in life.

A ‘step in the right direction’ but more work to be done

Play-based learning requires a lot of creativity from a teacher to form intentional experiences for their students. That translates to a larger undertaking, which Suskind said could be a barrier for educators already balancing a heavy workload.

“We need to think about what we can take off their plate so that they can be more present,” she said.

Reducing classroom sizes could be part of the solution, said Martinez-Epperson, the educator at the Play Lab. Investing in play-based learning training for teachers is another gap to be addressed.

Then, there’s the need to ensure equitable access to play-based learning opportunities — an issue personal to Martinez-Epperson. Students from under-resourced communities, especially Black and brown children, often miss out on play in the classroom when they are “the children who need it the most,” she said. Instead of play-based learning, those children are pressured to focus on testing, Martinez-Epperson said.

As a first-generation Mexican- and Cuban-American, Martinez-Epperson recalls her childhood as difficult. Her own hands-on school experiences affected her positively as a student and ignited her passion for teaching, she said.

That shouldn’t be a unique educational experience because “every child deserves play,” she said.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Here’s how much education funding is in Illinois’ FY27 state budget

2026-06-04T22:38:35+00:00

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Illinois schools have a slightly larger windfall of new money coming their way compared to last year after lawmakers passed a $56 billion state budget late Sunday. An array of early childhood programs also will get more money, while other education initiatives maintained their funding levels or saw financial reductions from the year prior.

Within that multibillion dollar budget, K-12 schools are in line for $9.2 billion through the evidence-based funding formula, which is a $350 million increase over last year. The Illinois General Assembly’s budget is for the 2027 fiscal year, which runs from July 1, 2026, to June 30, 2027.

The increase is in line with a promise lawmakers made a decade ago to fully fund all districts through the evidence-based formula by adding $350 million each year for 10 years. But local education advocates continue to demand more funds for schools, pointing out that Illinois is not on track to meet its original goal of full funding by 2027.

The formula has led to a roughly $2 billion increase in state funding since 2017. Each year schools are guaranteed to receive at least the same amount of money they received the year before and higher-need districts are prioritized to get a larger share of the annual increase.

Top state officials highlighted the finalized budget allocations as a responsible choice in the face of an uncertain federal funding landscape, especially for public schools.

“The state of Illinois cannot undo every reckless decision being made in Washington, but we can choose what kind of state we’re going to be at this moment,” Senate President Don Harmon said in a Monday news conference.

With the exception of one year of flat funding in the past decade, lawmakers have stayed firm in their commitment to increase education funding annually, said Robin Steans, president of education advocacy group Advance Illinois. That’s not something to take for granted, she said, but that doesn’t mean there isn’t more work to be done. At the current funding pace, it could take another decade to fully fund Illinois schools, Steans said.

The Illinois State Board of Education has not yet calculated how much of an increase each school district will get under the evidence-based formula.

Chicago Public Schools is facing a $732 million deficit and the district has already tightened staffing and further cuts are likely to ensue, which only intensified demands for lawmakers to put more money into CPS in the weeks leading up to the end of the session.

What the state budget means for Chicago schools

For the first time in her 12 years of working as an English teacher at George Westinghouse College Prep in Humboldt Park, Melina Lesus experienced budget cuts at her school. In the past year, Lesus said students lost their choir and French classes.

The strained CPS budget is “slashing” her students’ choices, which is why she joined a large cohort of CTU members and other community advocates last week on a bus trip to Springfield to make their case for more education funding.

Diane Castro the financial secretary of the CTU speaks during the “Wheels Up” event on Wed., May 27, 2026 in Chicago., Illinois.

“Cuts to the arts, to sports, or to critical support staff tell our students, my children, that they are not worth the investment,” CTU financial secretary Diane Castro told reporters at the union’s news conference.

That sentiment didn’t change much after the budget was released. Stacy Davis Gates, president of both the Chicago Teachers Union and the Illinois Federation of Teachers, said in a statement that there is still “progress to be made” on providing adequate funding.

“Without further action from the General Assembly, our students will be hungrier. Our families will have less access to healthcare. Schools will be saddled with more unfunded mandates in a Blue state,” Gates said. “Leaving Springfield with those results would be as backwards as anything can be.”

Nationally, CPS’ debt stands out. The school system carries more than three times the average debt per capita compared to the other largest school districts in the country, according to a June report from the independent fiscal research group The Civic Federation.

This year’s budget does include money to update school buildings in Chicago. Millions of dollars were reappropriated for more than 160 schools to make improvements such as installing new windows, updating HVAC systems, and upgrading playgrounds.

Lawmakers also included a small increase in funding for the City Colleges of Chicago.

How money for statewide education programs stacked up compared to previous years

When it came to funding education-related programs, some fared better or worse than last year — and some made off just OK.

One new initiative receiving a $200,000 boost is the Illinois State Board of Education’s development of a new criteria for low-income population counts due to narrowed federal eligibility rules for programs like the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. Illinois relies on children’s participation in federal social services to identify them in a school’s low-income population — a major factor in EBF funding. The new criteria seeks to avoid under-counting students from low-income families as more become unenrolled from federal programs.

The state budget delivered for the new Department of Early Childhood — which will oversee several programs serving Illinois’ youngest children starting July 1 — by allotting nearly $86 million toward its operations. Early intervention also got a financial bump of $15 million.

Other early childhood programs stayed at the same funding levels as the year before. That includes $212 million for the Smart Start Child Care Workforce Compensation Program, which supplies wages for early childhood educators.

Funding for public higher education institutions — known as the Monetary Award Program — was kept at a flat 1% increase. By not distributing more money to colleges and universities, Steans said costs will trickle down to students, forcing them to go out-of-state or not pursue higher education at all.

“I think historically we’ve treated higher education as discretionary: nice, but not necessary, a luxury,” she said. “Increasingly, it’s just not. We need students to earn those associate’s degrees and those bachelor’s degrees.”

Other notable state budget items passed this year include:

The Illinois Comprehensive Literacy Plan and the Illinois Comprehensive Numeracy Plan, which kept the same funding level of $1.5 million as last fiscal year.
A $15 million reduction in the Teacher Vacancy Grant Pilot Program, which helps school districts create incentives to hire and retain teachers.
The Diversifying Higher Education Faculty in Illinois Program, which was maintained at about $2 million in funding
A new $1 million allocation to fund ISBE’s implementation of mental health screeners in schools

Correction: This story has been updated to reflect that the CPS deficit is $732 million.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Illinois lawmakers pass cellphone ban in classrooms. Here’s when it goes into effect.

2026-06-01T18:50:14+00:00

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Illinois is set to join a growing number of states that have barred cellphone use in the classroom.

Just as the Illinois General Assembly reached its deadline to wrap up its legislative session Sunday, the state Senate passed legislation that would largely restrict cellphones in Illinois schools. The legislation would go into effect for the 2027-28 school year, meaning school districts will have a year to plan before the restrictions are implemented.

The bill now heads to Gov. JB Pritzker, who has been a vocal advocate for limiting cellphone use in the classroom. It’s quite the turnaround in the Illinois state legislature, which failed to pass the bill in the state House of Representatives despite unanimous Senate approval during last year’s session.

Cellphones aren’t the only devices the bill bars from the classroom — tablets, laptops, gaming consoles, and smart watches are also banned. School-issued devices are exempt from the ban.

These broad restrictions aim to improve students’ academic performance by removing the distraction of what the bill calls “wireless communication devices,” proponents say. Barring them from classrooms could also “strengthen friendships and human interactions, and minimize bullying,” said Jessica Handy, executive director of Stand for Children Illinois.

The cellphone ban wasn’t the only legislation taking aim at children’s device usage that lawmakers passed this week. Another bill heading to Pritzker’s desk outlines limitations on social media platforms’ algorithms to protect children’s privacy. Both bills received bipartisan support from state lawmakers — something Pritzker said underscored the urgency of addressing the effects of cellphones on children.

“We’re giving children more classroom focus and a better education by banning kids’ use of cellphones during the school day from start to finish,” Pritzker said at a Monday news conference.

Research on the effectiveness of banning cellphones in schools is still preliminary, but results have been largely mixed. An April study published by the National Bureau of Economic Research showed a reduction in phone usage in schools with storage pouches for phones, but also found a minimal impact on student test scores or attendance.

Thirty-five other states have enacted legislation that bans or limits cellphone use in the classroom over the past few years, according to Ballotpedia.

Some changes from last year’s version of the bill include exceptions to ensure student safety, and limits on punitive measures against children who violate the bans. For example, after members of the legislative Black Caucus and Stand for Children expressed concern that students of color could be disproportionately disciplined, lawmakers added a section disallowing suspensions, expulsions, and fines against students who violate their district’s policy.

Several other exceptions are also folded into the legislation. Devices can be exempted from the policy if:

A healthcare professional has determined it is medically necessary.
It is used for an Individualized Education Program, which outlines accommodations for students with disabilities.
The student is a caregiver responsible for a family member.
An English language learner uses it for translation.
A school staff member has allowed the use of the device.
An emergency occurs.
A school district allows usage during high school lunch breaks and periods between classes.

Over the next year, school districts must figure out how to store students’ restricted devices, because the bill doesn’t specify how schools must do so. If a device “stored in good faith” is damaged, school staff cannot be held liable, according to the bill. Some organizations such as the Illinois Federation of Teachers previously seemed hesitant about storage guidance, specifically what it might cost schools to implement.

The State Board of Education will provide a template for school cellphone policies by September. Feedback from local teachers unions is required, and student input is encouraged to help districts develop their policies.

Once the policies go into effect, parents can find their school’s rules on their district website or student handbook.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.

Chicago school board elections kicks off with the first day of candidate filing. Who is trying to run?

2026-05-18T18:23:03+00:00

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The first step toward Chicago’s historic school board elections is officially underway, as candidates lined up early Monday to file paperwork to enter the races.

By 8:30 a.m., a line of more than 20 people buzzing with excitement to file paperwork had already formed in downtown Chicago. Some hopefuls were accompanied by family or campaign staff, while others clutched their documents alone.

But showing up to the Board of Elections site wasn’t just about submitting paperwork in a punctual fashion. Many of those early risers were after something they see as an added bonus: Those who arrive by 9 a.m. on the first day of candidate filing are entered in a lottery to be the first name listed on November’s ballot.

For the first time, all 21 members of Chicago’s Board of Education will be up for election. It’s the last step of a multi-year process — kickstarted by the state legislature — to transition away from having Chicago’s mayor appoint members to the board. Chicagoans got a taste of that shift in 2024 when they voted for half the board’s members. Mayor Brandon Johnson appointed the remaining 11 members, including the board’s president.

Candidates are vying for seats representing 20 districts across Chicago, in addition to another spot for president of the board. Term lengths vary by district, with some expiring every two years while others — including the board president — last four years.

People running for a school board need to collect between 500 and 1,500 valid signatures from voters who live in the hopeful candidate’s district. In the case of the Chicago Board of Education president, candidates need at least 2,500 valid signatures. Not all candidates who showed up Monday will end up on the Nov. 3 ballot, as they can be challenged on the validity of their signatures and possibly disqualified.

Candidates walk inside the Chicago Board of Elections Supersite in downtown Chicago to file paperwork on Monday, May 18, 2026.

From Monday’s showing, the races are already shaping up to showcase a mix of familiar faces and newcomers. The contest for school board president so far includes former board vice president Sendhil Revuluri, and current elected board members Jessica Biggs and Jennifer Custer.

Several current board members — some who are facing election for the first time — submitted their candidate paperwork in hopes of continuing to represent their district come November. Other current board members already had campaigning experience under their belt.

Collecting signatures for this year’s election was much easier for Anusha Thotakura, who represents District 6A, because her district is much smaller than when she first ran in 2024. Another big difference Thotakura has noticed is the engagement from Chicagoans in the race.

“Before, a lot of people in the city didn’t even know we had a school board or what the school board did,” she said. “And now, more people know about what’s going on. They have issues they want to get involved with, and a lot of that is sparking this increase in participation.”

Realtor LaPamela Williams, who filed to run in District 5A, poses for a portrait inside the Chicago Board of Elections Supersite on Monday, May 18, 2026.

For others waiting in line, winning election would mean the first time serving on the board. Personal experience in Chicago schools was the primary motivation for LaPamela Williams, a realtor looking to represent District 5A. Growing up, Williams said her mother sent her to a high school outside her neighborhood so she could get a better quality education. Williams doesn’t want other families to continue having to make that choice.

“I want to see a different run school system, especially in my district,” Williams said.

The filing period ends May 26. That’s when another long line of candidates will likely form to snag the last spot in the ballot order, which is also determined by a lottery.

Makiya Seminera is a reporter covering how the state and federal government affect education in Chicago and across Illinois. Contact Makiya at mseminera@chalkbeat.org.