Who Is In Charge

Another bite for teacher paychecks?

Many Colorado teachers, already facing pay cuts next year because of various district budget-reduction tactics, could see additional losses in take-home pay under a bill amended and passed by the House Finance Committee Wednesday afternoon.

But they would get the money back years in the future in the form of pensions from the Public Employees’ Retirement Association.

As amended on a 7-6 Republican-Democratic vote, Senate Bill 11-076 would give school boards and local governments the option of reducing their contributions to employee pensions by as much as 2 percent while increasing payroll deductions for employees by a like percentage.

The committee passed the amended bill on an 8-5 vote, with Rep. John Kefalas, D-Fort Collins, joining GOP members in support.

As passed by the Senate, the bill proposed only to reduce the amount that the state and colleges contribute to employee pensions and to raise employee contributions. The net effect would be to make it somewhat easier for the legislature to balance the 2011-12 budget by freeing up about $34 million in the general fund. (Some $15 million of savings would be in higher education, and governing boards would get to keep that money.)

Worker take-home pay would be reduced, even though civil servants would get the money back later in retirement, or if they cash out of the PERA system early.

The bill proposes a 2.5 percent switch, the same as applied in the current 2010-11 budget year to state employees and many higher education workers. The Joint Budget Committee proposed renewing the contribution swap for another year because of the state’s continuing revenue shortfall.
A paycheck
While the committee’s action will not be welcomed by public employees, teachers and local government workers, it’s not the last word on the matter. The pension contribution question is caught up in the larger issues of balancing the 2011-12 state budget and softening expected cuts to K-12 education. All of that is still in play, and the ultimate solutions will require compromise between the Republican-majority House and the Democratic-controlled Senate.

The amendment approved by the committee Wednesday is pretty much identical to a stand-alone Republican measure, Senate Bill 11-074, which was killed Feb. 14 in the Senate State Affairs Committee.

Also still in play is the size of the cut to state and higher education employees, Gov. John Hickenlooper’s proposed budget suggests that the state and colleges reduce their contributions by a total of 4.5 percent, with employees seeing that additional percentage taken from their checks.

House Finance Chair Rep. Brian DelGrosso, R-Loveland, Wednesday proposed an amendment to do just that, although he said he hadn’t consulted with the administration. That proposal died on a 6-7 vote, with freshman Rep. Keith Swerdfeger, R-Pueblo West, joining all committee Democrats in opposition.

Another complication is the potential impact of contribution swaps on the health of PERA. Eligible employees who leave the system before retirement can withdraw their contributions (along with a 50 percent match and interest). But employer contributions remain in PERA, helping its solvency. When contribution swaps put more employee money into PERA that potentially means more money can be taken out of the system than would be otherwise.

Legislative fiscal analysts estimate the original form of the bill will increase the unfunded liability of PERA’s state division by $6.6 million.

The committee spent nearly three hours on SB 11-076, hearing lengthy testimony from state employees who opposed the bill and related stories of hardship caused by wage freezes and furloughs in recent years.

There was just the faintest whiff of different partisan attitudes about public employee pay and pensions, but the discussion overall was extremely civil and sympathetic, in contrast to the superheated partisan debates taking place in Wisconsin and elsewhere.

Things did tense up a bit when DelGrosso proposed his amendments, which had been distributed to members only a few hours earlier. Several committee Democrats complained that the issues should be left to the JBC and that the potential impacts on PERA needed more discussion.

Rep. Jon Becker, R-Fort Morgan and sponsor of the bill, opposed the two amendments on the JBC’s behalf. (He did say that personally, as a rural legislator, he kind of liked the idea of giving small districts a chance to reduce pension costs.)

Just before the final vote on the bill, DelGrosso said, “Everybody was very respectful today. … I thank everybody for that.”

“Kill committee” does its work

Sen. Rollie Heath, D-Boulder
Sen. Rollie Heath, D-Boulder

The Senate State Affairs Committee voted 3-2 to kill House Bill 11-1007, which would have allowed Mesa State College classified employees to hold an election on whether to opt out of the state personnel system. If the election supported opting out, individual employees could have chosen to remain with the state system or become exempt employees under the college’s own personnel procedures.

Some Mesa employees felt they would have better chances for raises under the college system, but other workers have opposed it because they fear loss of state system protections.

Committee chair Sen. Rollie Health, D-Boulder, made it clear where he stood well before the vote. “My problem, and what I conveyed to President [Tim] Foster, is that you’re not out there alone. You’re part of a broader system. … I happen to believe we just can’t pick and choose.”

Foster is a well-known advocate of independence for individual state colleges and also has been critical of greater regulatory control of higher education by the Colorado Commission on Higher Education.

The state affairs committees in each house are where majority leadership traditionally sends bill to die.

Info sharing, charter bonding bills advance

The Senate Education Committee passed two bills Wednesday morning.

House Bill 11-1169 would allow campus police to share more information about possible threats with deans, threat assessment teams and other administrators. The vote was 7-1, with Sen. Scott Renfroe, R-Greeley, the only no vote. A handful of conservative Republicans are concerned the bill could be a threat to free expression, such as voicing of unpopular political views.

Senate Bill 11-188 would create new procedures for handling troubled charter schools that have facilities debts under a state bonding program. The measure is designed to avoid defaults. An earlier version of the bill was killed, and SB 11-188 was introduced as a bipartisan solution. It passed the committee 7-0.

Use the Education Bill Tracker for links to bill texts and status information

a closer look

Fact-check: Weighing 7 claims from Betsy DeVos’s latest speech, from Common Core to PISA scores

PHOTO: Dylan Peers McCoy

In a speech Tuesday at the American Enterprise Institute, U.S. Education Secretary Betsy DeVos made the case for giving up on the type of school improvement efforts favored by Presidents Obama and George W. Bush. In its place, she argued, the federal government should encourage tech-infused innovation and school choice.

Looking to weigh her claims? Here’s a closer look at a few.

1. DeVos: “The most recent Program for International Student Assessment, or PISA, report, with which you are all familiar, has the U.S. ranked 23rd in reading, 25th in science and 40th in math. And, you know this too: it’s not for a lack of funding. The fact is the United States spends more per pupil than most other developed countries, many of which perform better than us in the same surveys.”

This stats are accurate, but may not be fair. The U.S. does spend more per pupil, in raw dollars, than most other countries. But international comparisons of these sorts are complicated, and American spending is similar to countries with similarly sized economies.

As we’ve written previously, it’s also misleading to say that more money wouldn’t help American schools. A number of studies have found precisely the opposite, including a recent one showing how cuts to schools during the Great Recession lowered student test scores and graduation rates.

2. DeVos appeared to refer to Common Core as “federal standards,” saying, “Federally mandated assessments. Federal money. Federal standards. All originated in Washington, and none solved the problem.”

That’s off the mark. As advocates for the Common Core never tire of pointing out, the creation of the standards was driven by state leaders through the National Governors Association and Council of Chief State School Officers, with the support of several private organizations, most prominently the Gates Foundation. (Gates is a funder of Chalkbeat.) As DeVos notes earlier in the speech, the Obama administration did incentivize states to adopt the standards, though, and Secretary Arne Duncan was a vocal champion.

3. DeVos: “At the U.S. Department of Education, Common Core is dead.”

This is true, in a sense — the Every Student Succeeds Act, which passed before DeVos became secretary, prohibits the federal government from pushing states to adopt specific standards. But DeVos doesn’t control what academic standards states adopt, and most states are still using use some version of the Common Core.

4. DeVos: “Throughout both initiatives, the result was a further damaged classroom dynamic between teacher and student, as the focus shifted from comprehension to test-passing. This sadly has taken root, with the American Federation of Teachers recently finding that 60 percent of its teachers reported having moderate to no influence over the content and skills taught in their own classrooms. Let that sink in. Most teachers feel they have little – if any — say in their own classrooms.”

The statistic DeVos pulled from this poll is accurate, though her framing may be more negative than the results suggest. It asked teachers to rate how much control they had over “setting content, topics, and skills to be taught.” The most common answer was “a great deal” (at about 40 percent of teachers), and another 30 percent or so chose moderate control. Twenty percent said minor, and only 10 percent said they had no control.

5. DeVos: “To a casual observer, a classroom today looks scarcely different than what one looked like when I entered the public policy debate thirty years ago. Worse, most classrooms today look remarkably similar to those of 1938 when AEI was founded.”

This statement is misleading but has a grain of truth. We examined a similar claim when the TV program produced by the XQ prize argued that schools haven’t changed in 100 years. In short, DeVos is right that many basic trappings of school — a building, a teacher at the front of the class, a focus on math, reading, science, and social studies — have remained consistent. But this glosses over some substantial changes since 1938: the end of legally mandated race-based segregation, the rise of standards for special education students, and the expanded use of testing, among others.

6. DeVos: “While we’ve changed some aspects of education, the results we all work for and desire haven’t been achieved. The bottom line is simple: federal education reform efforts have not worked as hoped.”

This is a big assertion, and it’s always tricky to judge whether something in education “worked.” As DeVos pointed out, a federal study showed the federal school turnaround program didn’t help students. She also highlighted relatively flat international test scores, and others have pointed to flat national scores in recent years.

That said, there were substantial gains in math in fourth and eighth grade, particularly in the early 2000s.

But raw trend data like this can’t isolate the effects of specific policies, particularly when other unrelated changes — like the Great Recession — can also make a big difference. Studies on No Child Left Behind have shown positive results in math, but little or no effect in reading. An analysis of Race to the Top was inconclusive.

One bright spot: a program that paid performance bonuses through the federal Teacher Incentive Fund led to small test score bumps, according to a recent study by DeVos’s Department of Education.

7. In response to a question about school performance in Detroit, DeVos said she shouldn’t be credited — or blamed — for the results in the city. “You’re giving me a whole lot of credit to suggest that whatever happened in Detroit was as a result of what I did,” she said. “We have been long-term supporters of continued reform and choice in Michigan.”

This one is up for debate, though it’s clear DeVos has long been a major player in Detroit’s education scene. She has supported charter schools, which educate about half the public school students in that city, and been a major donor to Republican politicians and causes in the state. She started an influential advocacy group in the state called Great Lakes Education Project.

She was also a key opponent of a commission that would more tightly oversee Detroit charter schools, which ultimately failed amid GOP opposition. It’s clear she has had an impact in the city, but that doesn’t mean she’s gotten everything she’s wanted: in 2000, Michigan voters rejected a DeVos-funded effort to fund vouchers for private schools. She also hasn’t gotten her wish that Detroit have a traditional school district eliminated entirely.

DeVos on offense

DeVos criticizes Bush-Obama policies, saying it’s time to overhaul conventional schooling

PHOTO: U.S. Department of Education
U.S. Education Secretary Betsy DeVos speaking to the Council of Great City Schools.

One era of federal involvement in education is over, U.S. Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos said Tuesday, in some of her most expansive public remarks since taking over the department last year.

DeVos used a speech at the American Enterprise Institute to hit on familiar themes: America’s schools haven’t changed in many years, failing to embrace technology while still spending more and more money. But she also offered a pointed skewering of the approach of her recent successors.

“Federally mandated assessments. Federal money. Federal standards. All originated in Washington, and none solved the problem,” said DeVos. “Too many of America’s students are still unprepared.”

She also gave a harsh assessment of one of the most controversial policies of the period. “Common Core is a disaster,” DeVos said, echoing her boss, President Trump. “And at the U.S. Department of Education, Common Core is dead.”

In place of those efforts, DeVos offered a different framework for improving education: overturning a host of conventional approaches to schooling.

“Why do we group students by age?” she asked. “Why do schools close for the summer? Why must the school day start with the rise of the sun? Why are schools assigned by your address? Why do students have to go to a school building in the first place? Why is choice only available to those who can buy their way out? Or buy their way in? Why can’t a student learn at his or her own pace? Why isn’t technology more widely embraced in schools?”

Some of these questions dovetail with DeVos’s embrace of private school choice programs and tech-infused approaches to schools, including fully virtual options. The emphasis on technology is aligned with a number of wealthy philanthropies that have embraced computer-based “personalized learning.”

They also mark a departure from the paradigm of previous administrations. No Child Left Behind, the law signed by President George W. Bush, and the Obama-era Race to the Top program both focused on improving academic standards, instituting tests, holding schools and teachers accountable for results, and expanding charter schools, though generally not private school voucher initiatives.

DeVos’s vision is more aligned with a strain of conservative thought that has grown increasingly skeptical of test scores. “I talk about accountability more in terms of transparency and information that parents can access to find out how the schools are doing for their child,” DeVos said in a follow-up session with Rick Hess of AEI, the conservative think tank whose board DeVos previously sat on.

This rift is not entirely surprising. Former secretary Arne Duncan has sharply criticized DeVos and Trump, and left-of-center charter advocates have attempted to separate themselves from an unpopular and polarizing president and secretary of education.

In a rare agreement with the American Federation of Teachers, DeVos argued that federal involvement had put too much focus on test scores, citing a poll commissioned by the union. “The result was a further damaged classroom dynamic between teacher and student, as the focus shifted from comprehension to test-passing,” she said.

The AFT responded icily on Twitter: “More American educators feel disrespected by DeVos than anyone else in the entire world. You can’t blame Bush & Obama for that.”  

Debates about evidence continue

Earlier at the event, “Bush-Obama school reform: Lessons learned,” researchers and policymakers conducted a post-mortem of the last couple of decades of federal school reform.

The results weren’t always pretty. Virtually all participants agreed that well-meaning efforts had proven difficult to implement and sustain: No Child Left Behind had become widely reviled for increasing testing; teacher evaluations pushed by the Obama administration continued to rate most teachers as effective and faced stiff opposition from teachers’ unions; Common Core became the target of conservative ire and the associated tests were scrapped in most states; and a comprehensive study of the federal school turnaround program found that it made little impact on test scores or graduation rates.

Evaluating large policies, like Race to the Top or Common Core, is inherently challenging.  Nationwide test scores have been fairly stagnant in recent years, though that may be due to the effects of the Great Recession.

At one session, participants suggested that not enough had been done to incorporate teachers’ perspective into federal policy. (Notably, no current teachers or union representatives participated in panels at the AEI event.)

Still, research suggests that No Child Left Behind substantially improved math achievement. Studies in some districts have found benefits of their revamped teacher evaluation systems, too.

Joanne Weiss, chief of staff at the Department of Education under Duncan, cautioned against judging policies too quickly. “At some point you gotta say, the results should be in today,” she said. “[But] we have a history in education of calling it too early and moving on to something else, and then 10 years later the research comes in.”

Nevertheless, DeVos seized on the mixed results of past efforts to make the case for her favored changes: more school choice and more innovation at the school level, not driven by the federal government.

She didn’t mention the research on those approaches, which is decidedly mixed and even negative in some cases.

A number of recent studies on school voucher programs have found showed they hurt student test scores, though they bounce back for some students who stay in private schools for several years. In DeVos’s account of disappointing federal programs, she did not mention a recent study of Washington D.C.’s voucher program, which showed drops in math achievement. (A few studies have found positive impacts on high school graduation rates and college attendance.)

Fully virtual charter schools, which DeVos has long backed, have posted even worse results. And some math programs that blend technology with more traditional classroom culture have posted positive results, but as a whole, the evidence base for those approaches remains thin.

DeVos’s skepticism of federal involvement also highlights the central paradox of her job: As the leader of the very agency she is critiquing, how will she advance her agenda without expanding the federal footprint?

So far, DeVos has rolled back a number of Obama-era regulations and supported a new federal tax break for private school tuition, while acknowledging its impact would be modest.

We also fact-checked seven claims — from Common Core to PISA test scores — DeVos made during her speech. Read more here.