the big picture

Will John King’s last effort to desegregate New York’s schools work?

As John King prepares to take over the U.S. education department, 20 schools across New York are poised to put his final experiment as the state’s education chief to the test: a program that aims to revamp struggling schools by integrating them.

At one of the schools, P.S. 15 in Manhattan’s East Village, low test scores have made it a target for possible state takeover. Last year, nearly half the students were also homeless. Nine in 10 qualified as low-income.

“When you have a mix of students and everyone’s learning from each other, the school can do better,” said P.S. 15 Principal Irene Sanchez. “When you have kids with trauma and everyone’s in that same state, it’s hard.”

For the first time, King’s $25 million grant program would allow the city to try to improve P.S. 15 and seven other bottom-ranked schools by convincing more affluent families to send their children there. Experts say they know of no other state program using school-improvement money from the federal government to encourage integration.

For that reason, and because President Obama chose King last week to head up the federal education department, experts say the program could be replicated across the country if it is successful.

“My hope is that this approach will become a national model,” said Richard Kahlenberg, a senior fellow at the Century Foundation and a longtime proponent of socioeconomic school integration. “It’s very exciting.”

But it’s far from certain that the initiative will spur much integration in the nine local districts that won grants in New York, which a 2014 analysis found to have the nation’s most segregated schools.

Districts had just weeks to apply for the relatively small grants, which were not competitive and came with restrictions. Partly as a result, several districts quickly added integration components to school-improvement initiatives they had planned even before the grant program was announced, according to people who have seen the applications, which city and state officials have not released.

In New York City, most of the proposals are for part-time magnet programs, where students from different schools and perhaps backgrounds would work together for part of the day or after school. Two applications co-written by parent leaders — including P.S. 15’s — mention possible district-wide enrollment policy changes, but city officials have signaled to parents that they only want to make changes at the targeted schools.

Susan Eaton, a Brandeis University professor and author who has written extensively about school integration, said it was “courageous” for King and the state education department to try to tackle the state’s deep-rooted school segregation. With greater political support and funding, the program could eventually spur more far-reaching efforts, she added.

However, she said that she and others whom the state asked to review the initial proposals questioned whether they would make a “meaningful dent” in segregation in those districts.

“I think it fell short,” Eaton said, “not just of my hopes, but of people in the administration as well.”

Chancellor Carmen Fariña with students at P.S. 15 in 2014.
PHOTO: Patrick Wall
Chancellor Carmen Fariña with students at P.S. 15 in 2014.

A single fix for two pressing problems

King’s program has drawn national interest because it offers a single solution to two education riddles that have long bedeviled policymakers: chronically low-performing schools and school segregation.

The approach departs from the most common tactics for improving schools, such as extending the school day or hiring new teachers, which don’t focus on student enrollment. It also tacitly recognizes that concentrated student poverty can hamstring schools, which some policy experts have long cited as a reason to reduce the share of poor students at low-performing schools.

“Almost all of these struggling schools are high-poverty schools,” said Kahlenberg, the integration researcher, who was one of the experts to review the grant applications. “So a much more transformative approach is to attack segregation directly.”

Low-performing schools where at least 70 percent of students are considered poor were eligible for the three-year grants, which offer up to $1.25 million per school. The schools will develop magnet programs with the potential to attract higher-income students, including dual-language, arts, or schoolwide gifted programs.

King had pushed New York City officials to reduce school segregation several times before the grant program was announced last December. It proved to be his final act as state commissioner before moving to the U.S. education department, which he will take charge of this year after current Education Secretary Arne Duncan steps down.

King plans to keep his eye on the program from his new post. At a recent school diversity conference, he said the federal agency will “look for opportunities to expand” New York’s program.

“We need as a country to utilize multiple strategies to raise student performance” at struggling schools, he told Chalkbeat. “One strategy that has a long history and substantial evidence is school integration.”

New York City’s plans for six segregated schools

Nestled next to a stretch of low-rise public housing a few blocks north of Central Park, Frederick Douglass Academy II has watched newcomers stream into the neighborhood over the past decade. Between 2000 and 2010, the area’s white population more than quadrupled.

Yet few of those newcomers have ventured into FDA II, which remains almost entirely black and Hispanic. Last year, just 1 percent of its high school students were white, while none of its middle schoolers were.

"When you have kids with trauma and everyone’s in that same state, it’s hard."P.S. 15 Principal Irene Sanchez

“It’s like they disappear,” said Fatou Sarr, a FDA II sophomore, one day after school. “All I see is one race.”

To convince more affluent families — including some of the white newcomers — to enroll their children there, FDA II will develop new labs where students from higher-income partner schools will come to work on science, engineering, technology, and math projects. Students at the collaborating schools will also venture out on joint research trips and the target school students will take STEM summer classes at a college campus, according to city education officials.

Two Bronx middle schools, the Bronx Writing Academy and I.S. 117, have similar plans.

Meanwhile, students from three Brooklyn high schools — Boys and Girls, George Westinghouse, and the High School for Global Citizenship — will join students from partner schools to take half-day, career-focused classes at a new learning center at the Brooklyn Navy Yard, officials said. Students will also be able to take some classes at their partner schools.

The goal for both sets of schools is twofold, officials said: to get students from different socioeconomic backgrounds working together, and to convince a more diverse group of students to enroll at the target schools.

FDA II Principal Osei Owusu-Afriyie said he hoped that parents of the partner-school students would come to see FDA II as a worthy school for their children after they spend time in FDA II’s new research lab. That could help shrink the school’s share of low-income students, he said, who now make up nearly 80 percent of the enrollment.

“We want to make sure that families in our neighborhood — regardless of their income — look at this as a viable option,” he said.

Parents and community members at the September Community Education Council meeting for District 13.
Parents and community members at the September Community Education Council meeting for District 13.

For two other schools, parents have broader ambitions

At M.S. 113 Ronald Edmonds Learning Center, a state-identified struggling school in the heart of swiftly gentrifying Fort Greene, Brooklyn, 85 percent of students qualified as low-income last year.

Less than two blocks away, the Academy of Arts and Letters’ share of poor students is half that, according to state data.

Parents and the local superintendent applied for one of the integration grants in order to pull more of the wealthier students to M.S. 113 by offering an English-Spanish dual-language program. But the parents in District 13 who helped win the grant say one new program isn’t enough to prevent imbalances like the one between M.S. 113 and Arts and Letters.

The applications there and in Manhattan’s District 1, where P.S. 15 is located, also proposed centers where parents could go for information about school admissions and a series of public meetings to brainstorm ideas for broader enrollment changes. Their ultimate goal is to help develop district-wide enrollment systems that would keep poor and affluent students from clustering at separate schools.

One type of enrollment system parents in both districts have floated before is known as “controlled choice.” Under that system, families rank their preferred schools but the city manages the assignment process so that each school’s demographics roughly reflect the district’s.

Michael Alves, who helped design one of the first controlled choice systems when he worked in Massachusetts’ desegregation office, said it’s necessary to pair magnet programs with a district-wide enrollment system in order to avoid what another expert referred to as “whack-a-mole” — when more diversity at one school results in more segregation for its neighbors.

“You just can’t focus on one school,” said Alves, who assisted District 1 with its grant application. “There’s an ecology to integration.”

Just receiving the grant money doesn’t guarantee that the parent leaders can make sweeping changes.

Any enrollment overhauls would require the approval of the de Blasio administration, which has been reluctant to embrace admissions changes as a way to achieve diversity. In District 13, officials are still responding to a backlash triggered by their rezoning plan for two elementary schools near the Brooklyn Bridge, which has underscored the race and class tensions embedded in school admissions rules.

"My hope is that this approach will become a national model."Richard Kahlenberg, senior fellow at the Century Foundation

In this case, city officials have hinted that they are hesitant to make changes that go beyond the target schools.

The District 1 superintendent has said repeatedly that the state grant is intended just for P.S. 15, according to Lisa Donlan, the district’s former education council president. And with District 13’s application, officials “watered down” language about broader admissions changes, according to that district’s education council president, David Goldsmith.

“In general, there was hesitancy to use language that would acknowledge any kind of district-wide conversation,” he said. “To us, that was incredible — it’s against the spirit of the grant.”

City education department spokespeople provided some details about the plans for the eight target schools, which have already received $2 million in planning money from the state and could receive $8 million more to enact the new programs. They would not say whether the city will consider district-wide changes.

“We’ve worked closely with schools and districts to apply and plan for these eight grants to increase diversity and improve student achievement, and we’ll continue to support their implementation and monitor their progress with this work,” spokeswoman Devora Kaye said in a statement.

A student outside Frederick Douglass Academy II, one of eight New York City schools that won state integration grants.
A student outside Frederick Douglass Academy II, one of eight New York City schools that won state integration grants.

Obstacles ahead on the path to integration

Researchers and advocates will be watching closely to see whether the new programs do in fact produce more diversity at the 20 schools across the state.

While many studies have linked magnet programs with student academic achievement, their record on integration has been mixed. Achieving student diversity typically takes carefully planned programs that tap into parent demand, set ambitious enrollment goals, and are aggressively marketed to parents — all of which may have been complicated by the grants’ brief application period and relatively limited funding.

The design of some of New York City’s eight proposals may pose additional challenges.

The city appears to be proposing part-time and “school-within-a-school” magnet programs, where only some students participate in the special courses, which at least one study found generate less integration than whole-school programs. And even with extensive marketing, it may be difficult to convince parents in wealthier precincts to send their children to schools in racially and economically isolated areas such as the South Bronx.

The plans for the Bronx schools say that partner-school students will over time “voluntarily transfer” to the target schools, though there is no explanation of how or why they would do so, according to a person who is familiar with the grant applications. And they make no mention of district-wide enrollment changes, the person said.

Genevieve Siegel-Hawley, an assistant professor at Virginia Commonwealth University who has studied magnet schools, said they work best in conjunction with enrollment systems that factor in diversity like those being proposed by district 1 and 13 parents.

“The best diversity plans are comprehensive and cover a whole district,” she said.

If New York City’s proposals raise questions about how much integration they will achieve, they are not alone. State education department officials acknowledged that the applications they received have limitations.

Spokeswoman Jeanne Beattie said in a statement that some districts took “programs that they desired to implement and have added a socio-economic integration component” to meet the grant requirements, and that they set “initially modest” integration goals. Federal funds specifically earmarked for promoting school integration could help the state push districts for stronger proposals in the future, she added.

Michael Hilton, an education analyst at the Poverty & Race Research Action Council who reviewed some of the applications, said that in this initial, rushed application process, few districts seemed eager to make structural changes. For instance, he said, “nobody seemed really willing to tinker with admissions.” (Schenectady, which officials said did propose admissions changes, is an exception.)

Along with other integration researchers and proponents, Hilton said he is holding out hope for the program, which they consider groundbreaking. Still, he and others worry what will happen if the grants fund projects that are too modest or poorly designed to take on entrenched school segregation.

“Then it’s going to set integration back,” he said, “because we’ll say we tried integration, and it didn’t work.”

school segregation

In Denver’s gentrifying neighborhoods, some middle-class parents are avoiding the school down the block

PHOTO: Joe Amon/The Denver Post via Getty Images
Kindergarten students from Park Hill and Stedman elementary schools meet between the two schools in January 2017 to march together in honor of Martin Luther King, Jr's visit to Denver's Montview Boulevard Presbyterian Church.

Eagleton Elementary is a block and a half away from where Brian Hilbert lives with his wife and two young children in west Denver. It’s a largely Latino working-class neighborhood that is rapidly gentrifying, and Hilbert said he values the diversity of the area.

But when it came time for the family, who identify as white and middle-class, to choose a public preschool for their 3-year-old daughter, Hilbert said their first instinct was to look at schools in wealthier parts of the city, where the test scores are higher.

“I don’t want her to lose privilege, as weird as it is,” Hilbert said of his daughter. “My pre-parenthood politics, I hate the idea of saying, ‘I want my kid to be privileged.’ On the other hand, it’s hard to say, ‘I want my kid to be disadvantaged.’”

That tension is one reason many Denver schools continue to be segregated by race and income, even as gentrification creates more diverse neighborhoods.

Unlike schools in more homogeneous neighborhoods, schools in these areas have the potential to be naturally integrated. But district data shows that’s not always happening. Instead, wealthier families – more often than low-income families – are using Denver Public Schools’ universal school choice process to send their kids to schools that are not in their neighborhood. The result is that the schools in some gentrifying parts of the city look much like they always have.

That matters because research shows integrated schools boost test scores for students of color and students from low-income families without lowering the scores of students from wealthier ones – and because wealthier parents bring more resources to the schools their children attend.

Denver Public Schools officials want to see those benefits in the district’s 200 schools. But officials also believe strongly in school choice – that is, allowing the district’s 92,600 students to “choice out” of the assigned school in their neighborhood and “choice in” to another school they feel is a better fit. Allowing families to choose can be at odds with the desire to integrate.

Interviews with white, middle-class parents provide some insight into how they’re making school choices. Some worry their children will feel isolated if they’re the only white students in their class. Others are nervous about sending their kids to a high-poverty school with low test scores. Those fears sometimes persist even when the high-poverty school has a good academic rating.

A task force of community leaders assembled by Denver Public Schools recently came up with a list of recommendations to increase school integration, including that the district should launch a communications effort to inform families about the benefits of integration.

All types of families in Denver use school choice, and the recommendation doesn’t specify which parents would be targeted by the effort. About 76 percent of Denver Public Schools students are children of color, and 24 percent are white. Two-thirds of students qualify for free or reduced-price lunch, a proxy for poverty, while one-third do not.

But some parents of color doubt a communications campaign will increase integration. Antwan Jefferson, a black parent and University of Colorado Denver education professor who served as co-chair of the task force, said the parents opting their children out of high-poverty schools don’t seem to be making those decisions based on a lack of information.

In fact, he said, it seems to be the opposite.

“Ignorance might not be the issue,” he said. “I think educating parents about the benefits of integration, it may be a veiled attempt to respond to their fear of being in these schools.”

‘I’ve heard it’s different now’

Chalkbeat sent out a survey earlier this year asking Denver parents how they choose schools for their children. It included this question: What role did student demographics of potential schools play in your decision?

We followed up with several parents who were willing to talk more. Of those who responded to our interview request, all identified as white and middle- or upper-middle class. They all said they wanted their kids to go to diverse schools.

But they acknowledged that for many parents, other factors like test scores trump diversity.

“In the abstract, everybody wants schools to be more ethnically and socioeconomically diverse,” said Elisabeth Ihler, a Denver doctor and mother of two. “But the only control you have over that as a parent is to send your child there. Everybody wants the best for their child. I think that those ideals sometimes take a hit when the rubber meets the road, so to speak, of, ‘Am I going to send my child to this school where the test scores are not as good?’”

Ihler is pleased to have found a school she believes provides both diversity and academic rigor. Her son goes to Denver Language School, a charter school that offers full immersion in Spanish and Mandarin Chinese. The school is racially diverse, but not socioeconomically diverse. While half of its 750 students are white and half are children of color, the school’s poverty rate is only 18 percent. That’s far below the district poverty rate of 67 percent.

When Ihler began searching for a school, she said people kept recommending Bromwell and Steck. Both are district-run elementary schools where the overwhelming majority of students are white and less than 15 percent are living in poverty. Test scores are high, especially for white students, and Steck is the top-rated public school in Denver this year.

“I found myself thinking, ‘Is it really the school that’s so good? Or the kids who go to that school have all these advantages going in?’” Ihler said. “That led me to widen my search.”

Robyn DiFalco had a similar experience. After moving to Denver, DiFalco said she was hoping to find an integrated school for her kids. Instead, she said she found schools where nearly all students qualified for subsidized lunches and schools where almost none did. She scratched the latter off her list and worried about the former.

“It was hard when I saw it was like 90 percent free and reduced-price lunch,” DiFalco said. She said she wondered whether students who were living in poverty might have experienced trauma that would affect their behavior and, in turn, her children’s learning environment.

She ended up sending her kids to their neighborhood boundary school, Bradley International, a highly rated school where 34 percent of students qualify for subsidized lunches. But with her oldest going into middle school next year, DiFalco found herself on the school hunt again.

One of the schools she considered was the boundary school for her neighborhood, Hamilton Middle School. When she spoke to a neighbor about the school, where a majority of students come from low-income families and identify as children of color, DiFalco said the neighbor told her, “That was not a fit for us, but I’ve heard it’s different now.”

Opting out

In the early 1970s, Denver Public Schools became the first district outside of the South to be ordered by the Supreme Court to racially integrate its schools. When busing ended more than 20 years later, in 1995, the district reverted back to a system of neighborhood boundary schools. The move was cheered at the time, but it meant a return to a familiar problem. Because Denver neighborhoods were segregated by race and income, so too were its schools.

The district has taken steps in the past decade to encourage integration. In addition to universal school choice, it created “enrollment zones,” which are expanded school boundaries designed to cross neighborhood lines. Three years ago, the district quietly began a pilot program to prioritize filling open seats at affluent district schools with students from low-income families who want to opt in. The pilot expanded this year. And some schools in changing neighborhoods are becoming more integrated without explicit nudging from the district.

But many Denver schools remain segregated.

To help the task force understand how school choice and segregation intersect, district staff made a list of schools with the biggest gaps between low-income and wealthier families opting out. Unlike in the 1970s when the integration conversation was focused on race, the district now focuses on socioeconomic status, which sometimes correlates with race, though not always.

With the exception of one school on the list, the percentage of wealthier families who leave their boundary schools is much higher.

Many of the schools are in gentrifying neighborhoods. A recent national study drew a connection between school choice and gentrification. It found that wealthier families are more likely to move into mostly black or Hispanic neighborhoods if they can opt out of the local schools.

Marina Guerrero lives across the street from one of the schools on the list: Cheltenham Elementary. Seventy-six percent of wealthier families who live in the northwest Denver neighborhood surrounding Cheltenham chose other schools last year, while only 37 percent of lower-income families did, resulting in a 39-percentage-point gap.

Guerrero’s twin boys are in third grade at Cheltenham. She’s watched as other families have been pushed out of the neighborhood by rising rents or wrecking balls. Many of the people moving into the brand-new townhomes sprouting up around her duplex don’t have children – and if they do, Guerrero said, they’re not sending them to Cheltenham.

Academically, the school is improving after a new principal ushered in much-needed changes, Guerrero said. But it’s also caught in a vicious cycle. Because Denver schools are funded per-student, the withering enrollment is sapping Cheltenham of the resources it needs to add the type of enrichment programming she feels would attract more families.

“It makes me feel powerless,” she said.

Another elementary school with a big gap is Trevista at Horace Mann, located a few miles north of Cheltenham. That neighborhood is also home to a mix of families. The city’s biggest public housing project is there, but the median price of a non-subsidized house was more than $400,000 last year, according to city records. Once a predominantly Hispanic, working-class area, it has seen an influx of wealthier, mostly white families in the last decade.

Trevista, however, is homogenous. Nearly all students qualify for free or reduced-price lunch. Out of 351 students, 260 are Hispanic, 50 are black, and just 29 are white. After years of low school ratings, Trevista has reached “green,” the second-highest rating on the district’s color-coded scale, for the past two years. The color ratings are largely based on state test scores and heavily weight year-over-year academic progress.

But Trevista’s high rating hasn’t accelerated integration.

That may change next year. Trevista is adopting a dual-language curriculum in its lower grades that it plans to roll up to the entire school over time. Starting in the fall, preschool and kindergarten classes will be taught in a combination of English and Spanish.

It’s something English-speaking parents in the neighborhood have wanted for years, said Principal Jesús Rodriguez, and the reaction has been overwhelming. Whereas in the past the school had to cancel family tours because no one showed up, every tour this year was packed. Rodriguez said he saw more white families than in the six years he’s been principal.

“I can’t make any assumptions about household income, so I won’t,” he said of the families on the tours. “But racially and ethnically, the groups have been pretty diverse.”

The move to dual-language is also an effort to better serve the 33 percent of Trevista students who are English language learners, Rodriguez said. Trevista used to have more, which allowed for a classroom at every grade to be taught in Spanish, a model known as “transitional native language instruction” that gradually shifts instruction from students’ native language to English.

But the number of English language learners at Trevista is shrinking, and this year Rodriguez had to combine 3-, 4-, and 5-year-olds into one class. Dual-language classrooms will allow Spanish-speaking students to learn alongside their same-age peers, he said.

“Hopefully it provides two ends for us: One is we are able to serve our current families well,” Rodriguez said. “And two is that we are interested in growing our school enrollment to a place where it reflects the demographics of the community at large.”

Leaving after preschool

At schools in some gentrifying Denver neighborhoods, the key to increasing integration isn’t getting local families to come to the school but convincing them to stay.

Principals of high-poverty schools where most students are children of color have noticed a pattern. White, middle-class parents who live in the neighborhood will enroll their kids for preschool, a grade for which there tend to be fewer options.

But they don’t keep them there for kindergarten. Instead, parents pull their children out and send them to schools that are whiter and wealthier – and where the test scores are higher. One place that’s playing out is in the Park Hill neighborhood, which has four elementary schools: Park Hill Elementary, Stedman Elementary, Smith Elementary, and Hallett Academy.

Ninety-six percent of Hallett students are children of color and 88 percent qualify for free or reduced-price lunch. The school is rated “red,” the lowest of Denver Public Schools’ color ratings, though Principal Dominique Jefferson was hired to turn things around.

A parent of a student in Hallett’s preschool program – often referred to as early childhood education, or ECE – recently said something Jefferson thought was profound.

“She said, ‘It shouldn’t be considered courageous for me to have chosen to send my child to Hallett. You are in our neighborhood,’” Jefferson said. “It’s interesting that she would say that. What would be more courageous would be that you chose to stay beyond ECE.”

Andrew Lefkowits followed the pattern for his oldest daughter. For a year, she attended an “advanced kindergarten” program at Stedman Elementary. Sixty-two percent of students at Stedman are from low-income families and 71 percent are children of color.

But for first grade, the family, which identifies as white and middle-class, sent her to Park Hill Elementary, which is actually their boundary school. It is also wealthier and whiter: Just 17 percent of students qualify for subsidized lunches and 30 percent are children of color.

Part of the reason, Lefkowits said, was that Stedman’s low “orange” rating made them wonder if the district might eventually close it. Park Hill Elementary is rated “green.”

“It didn’t feel like it was the time to give up our seat at Park Hill,” Lefkowits said. “I struggle with it all the time. It was not an easy choice, and I’m not sure it was the right choice.”

Lefkowits grew up in the neighborhood, attended Stedman as a child, and supports integration. He said the family is considering making a different choice for their younger daughter, who is now in the dual-language preschool program at Stedman.

Michelle Quattlebaum, a black parent who served on the district’s integration task force, doesn’t actually think integration is the best way to ensure all students get a good education – although she said children of color do benefit from integration in some ways.

When wealthier white students start attending a school, Quattlebaum said, “then money appears, and the textbooks are updated, and we get new painted walls, and the gym gets refurbished, and, oh my goodness, now there’s a computer lab.”

But she doesn’t think it should be like that. She’s also experienced the downsides of integration. Her three children attended Denver’s George Washington High School. On paper, the school looks integrated, but there has long been a divide between students in the prestigious International Baccalaureate program and students who are not.

Quattlebaum said her family chose George Washington because her oldest child was interested in the IB program. But when her daughter showed up on the first day of school, a white classmate told her she was in the wrong classroom.

“My daughter says, ‘I am in the right class,’” Quattlebaum said. “He said, ‘No, you’re black. You don’t belong in this class.’ You tell me, did integration benefit my daughter?”

Quattlebaum believes in school choice, and her family took advantage of it. And she said she doesn’t fault parents for making choices in the best interest of their kids, even if she suspects those choices may be driven by hidden biases.

But she disagrees with using choice as a way to increase integration. Instead, Quattlebaum said, the district should strive to ensure all of its schools are good schools.

“If you want integrated schools, you make every school a quality school. And then it happens.”

‘The first step’

Five days after having their second child, Brian Hilbert and his wife toured Eagleton Elementary, the neighborhood school they’d worried might not serve their 3-year-old as well as a school in a wealthier part of the city. Eagleton is “yellow,” a notch below “green.” Ninety-four percent of students come from low-income families, and 95 percent are students of color.

Hilbert and his wife were impressed. The preschool classroom was full of activities that looked fun and enriching, he said. A group of not more than 20 young students were playing together happily. The kids appeared to be from a variety of different racial backgrounds. The teacher had a master’s degree in education and two teacher’s aides to assist her.

“It looked just like a normal school and mirrored what we remember going to,” said Hilbert, who grew up in the Denver suburb of Highlands Ranch. “It put away a lot of fears we’d had.”

That was different from the feeling Hilbert’s wife had when she toured a school in a wealthier neighborhood where 70 percent of the students are white and the majority are middle-class. That school was crowded, he said, and they got the impression it’d be hard for their daughter to get in. The experience soured Hilbert on the concept of school choice.

“It’s a way of distracting from general school quality and saying to parents, ‘You have choice, so pick a better school,’” Hilbert said. “I do feel like our school is going to be an OK school.”

Hilbert found out this spring that his daughter got into the preschool at Eagleton. He’s optimistic, and yet he said that when he re-reads the school rating information, he gets nervous. Parents and students report being satisfied with the school and many students are making academic progress, but fewer are meeting expectations on state tests.

“It’s still kind of hard for me,” Hilbert said. “A lot of things, they’re not doing well on. I don’t know how to square that. Where we left off is, ‘This is the first step in our daughter’s education. And if it’s a huge problem, we’ll look at something else.’”

5 step plan

If Carranza wants to take on screening in New York City, here are 5 things he could do

PHOTO: Monica Disare
A high-school choice fair in Brooklyn in 2016.

Tracking is pervasive in New York City from kindergarten through high school, with 28 percent of all schools sorting students based on grades, test scores and other factors.

That’s why Chancellor Richard Carranza’s comment that screening is “antithetical” to the mission of public schools was so surprising. But the question is, what can he do to change the system?

Any action will be contentious and difficult. On the one hand, advocates argue that screening creates divisions along racial and socioeconomic lines. However, others say it has produced some of the most popular, even iconic schools in the city and helps keep middle class families in the public school system.

If Carranza is serious about tackling problems with screening, here’s a list of five areas he could tackle.

1.) Eliminate District 2 priority

New York City’s high school admissions process is based on the idea that students can apply to any school in the city, regardless of their zip codes. But one of the wealthiest school districts in the city has essentially cordoned off certain schools for students who live within the district’s boundaries

District 2, which encompasses the Upper East Side and downtown Manhattan, is home to some of the most popular high schools in the city, including Eleanor Roosevelt and Baruch College Campus High School and N.Y.C. Lab School for Collaborative Studies.

These schools have near-perfect graduation rates, and thousands of students rank them as one of their top 12 schools each year. However, they are so competitive it is nearly impossible for students outside of the district to snag a seat.

Maurice Frumkin, a former city education department official who now runs an admissions consultancy, said it’s heartbreaking to tell students that the rules effectively prevent them from attending a great school.

“I have to sit with kids in the Bronx who are more than qualified for Eleanor Roosevelt and I have to tell them, ‘Sorry, you can’t get into that school. It’s impossible,’” Frumkin said.

These schools enroll a disproportionately low share of black and Hispanic students. For instance, 15.5 percent of Eleanor Roosevelt’s student body is comprised of black and Hispanic students. Citywide, about 67 percent of students are black and Hispanic.

2.) Change the admissions rules at five specialized high schools

At the red-hot center of this fight are eight elite high schools that admit students based on a single test. These schools have drawn intense scrutiny after only about 10 percent of admissions offers went to black and Hispanic students this year.

The city’s official position has long been that admissions at specialized high schools are codified in state law. But in fact, only three schools — Stuyvesant High School, Bronx High School of Science, and Brooklyn Technical High School are written into state law. Experts say the city could change admissions at the remaining five schools with a vote from the city’s school oversight board.

Mayor Bill de Blasio recently said he will “revisit” the subject. Carranza has also seemed receptive to changes, saying that he is not in favor of single-test admissions.

Without a single test, the city could pick new admissions methods that would likely lead to a more diverse student body. They could select the top-performing students at middle schools across the city, or admit students based on factors such as grades and attendance.

3.) Create one common application for all screened schools

Since New York City’s screened schools have latitude to craft their own admissions criteria, students may have to submit test scores, grades, examples of their work, and attendance records. Or they may have to sit for tests at the schools, interviews, write essays, or complete artistic auditions.

The set of requirements is dizzying and disadvantages students without the time and savvy to  navigate the system. Those learning English might find it difficult to navigate school websites. The High School Directory, a large book of school options intended to help students sort through admissions requirements, has historically left out information. Some of the open houses that explain this information are nearly impossible to get into and affluent families can pay for a service that tells them when to be near a computer to sign up.

Additionally, fulfilling some of these requirements is easier for families preparing years in advance. For instance, one of the city’s most prestigious schools, Beacon High School, asks students to submit a sample of their work. However, that is only possible if students know in advance to save their best work. Many parents from more affluent areas of the city start preparing for high school admissions early — sometimes in elementary school.

If the city instituted one, centralized set of admissions requirements for screened schools, the process would be simpler to navigate. That may help students from low-income backgrounds who have difficulty sorting through the process now.

City officials are aware that applying to high school can be difficult for families. Officials have tried to tackle the problem by providing more information to students and parents. For instance, they launched a tool that helps students search information about schools and provide more translated copies of the High School Directory. They also promised to improve access to open houses.

4.) Reduce the share of screened schools throughout the system

Advocates who believe any screening mechanisms, including test scores, attendance rates, or auditions, are inherently biased, say the city should either eliminate screening or seriously reduce the share of schools allowed to pick their students.

Nearly a third of high schools in New York City today have some screen for academic success or artistic talent — but it wasn’t always that way. During Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s administration, the share of screened schools shot up around the city. In 2002, only 15.8 percent of school programs screened students for academic success. By 2009, that share had increased to 28.4 percent. (Some schools have multiple programs.)

Further sorting takes place far before high school. When students are as young as four they can sit for a Gifted & Talented test. These G&T programs are starkly segregated by race and class. Additionally, students are screened in one quarter of middle schools.

Matt Gonzales, who supports school integration work through the nonprofit New York Appleseed, said he believes middle schools screens should be eliminated. “Especially for 9 and 10-year olds, it’s kind of ridiculous to put kids through this process,” Gonzales said. “We’re actually just screening for families and not kids.”

City officials said they are trying to eliminate the use of screens when possible, but so far have not set a target for reducing the share of screened schools in the city.

5.) Require that screened schools set aside seats for students from disadvantaged backgrounds

Some of the city’s Gifted & Talented programs and Bard High School in Queens are already prioritizing admissions for some students who qualify for free-or-reduced-price lunch, which is often used as a proxy for poverty. The city could expand the number of schools doing the same.

Gonzales said it would make sense to start with a set aside program. Ultimately, he would want to see some type of “controlled choice” formula that takes a student’s background into account when assigning a school. (In this scenario, the formula could include both academic success and socioeconomic status.) But in the meantime, it might make sense to start smaller, he said.

“Whatever we do is going to have to be iterative,” Gonzales said. “Starting off with some priority system or set aside system, I think that would actually be a very good, methodical way to start tinkering with the way we do admissions.”