integration 2.0

A top state education policymaker benefited from integration. Now, he wants to bring it back.

PHOTO: Monica Disare
Chancellor Rosa and Vice Chancellor Brown attend a Board of Regents meeting.

If Vice Chancellor Andrew Brown had been born a few years earlier, his schooling — and possibly his life — could have been very different.

Just four years before Brown was born, the Supreme Court decided a landmark case outlawing legally enforced segregation that coincidentally bears his name: Brown v. Board of Education. Against that backdrop, Brown’s hometown of Kingston, New York began efforts to integrate schools.

For Brown, then a preteen, that meant hopping on a bus that took him to a different school than his siblings attended. It was farther away from home, wealthier and whiter — and Brown, who is African American, thinks that made a big difference.

“I think the benefits are huge and lifelong,” Brown said. “It’s just easier working with people that you come in contact with throughout your life if you have a comfort level with people of different backgrounds.”

Now, Brown, a lawyer in Rochester, is determined to make sure students across New York state have the same opportunity today that he did some 50 years ago. Brown, along with the other members of the Board of Regents, has jumped into the fray around school integration.

The context, of course, is very different now. Brown’s education came at a time when the federal government and courts forced some districts to desegregate, but today’s push to integrate schools relies on communities to act voluntarily.

The Board of Regents is taking on school integration as part of its effort to rethink state education policy. It follows a period of transition, in which the board elected a new leader and shifted the policy focus away from test-based accountability that had dominated the previous several years. Now, the board is using the Every Student Succeeds Act to chart a new course for state education policy, and integration appears to be part of the mix.

Unlike Mayor Bill de Blasio, whose recent diversity plan notably avoids the word “segregation,” Brown said said he’s not afraid to use the word or tackle the problem.

“I think the biggest problems require us to address them head-on and segregation is a big problem. And diversity and segregation are not one in the same,” Brown said. “To talk about how much diversity you have can well be a distraction away from what needs to be done to promote integration.”

Brown and other board members frequently cite a study by the UCLA Civil Rights Project that found New York has the most segregated schools in the country. But they are still in the early stages of figuring out how their outrage will translate into policy.

As Brown pointed out, tackling integration is hardly new to the Board of Regents. The first black person elected to the Board of Regents was Dr. Kenneth Clark, whose psychology research testing children’s perceptions of race with white and black dolls was cited in the Supreme Court’s decision in Brown v. Board of Education. Brown sees today’s Regents as continuing Clark’s work.

“It really was a significant position to carve out back then, but we’re still arguing for the same things today,” Brown said.

So how does Brown suggest the Regents tackle school integration today? It’s unclear what power the board has to integrate schools. Though the Regents set education policy, they do not control school funding nor do they draw district or school lines.

Brown was clear integration can’t be accomplished without help from other state entities like the governor and legislature. But he did suggest a few things the Regents may be able to do, while also noting that they are reaching out to experts to solicit ideas.

The Regents could design a metric to measure integration, he said. That’s something the board has floated before in the context of the federal Every Student Succeeds Act, which allows the state to come up with different ways to track a school’s progress.

The board also may be able to encourage districts that are close geographically but have significantly different student populations to work together, he said, or provide funding to those who want to promote integration, another measure state officials have taken in the past. For instance, former New York State Education Commissioner John King started a $25 million grant program to encourage integration.

Brown also took aim at New York City’s emphasis on the school choice process. While encouraging choice was good in concept, he said, it hasn’t panned out the way advocates had hoped. For instance, though students can apply to any high school in New York City, elite public high schools skim off the top-performing students, which are more often white and Asian, leaving few school options for a large swath of black and Hispanic students.

“If you give people a choice, then those kids in underperforming areas will be able to go to other schools. I understand that. But it hasn’t worked like that,” Brown said. “So to a significant extent, school choice has actually, for a significant period of time, it actually led to further segregation.”

Brown said he thinks the most effective change will come if districts voluntarily commit to integration and that the Regents’ first task is to convince districts that integration benefits all students — including white students from wealthier districts.

But desegregation has historically been a tough sell politically and, in some suburban and rural areas, would require transporting students across district lines. In those cases, Brown is still grappling with how far the Regents should push reluctant districts, but suggested that the courts may have to get involved.

“It may well be that court intervention is going to be necessary if other means don’t work,” Brown said.

Most notably, Brown says he now sees integration as core to the entire Regents agenda and their effort to narrow the achievement gap, in which black and Hispanic students typically perform worse than their white and Asian peers. Without integration, Brown said he is unconvinced the rest of the Regents’ work will have an impact.

“I don’t think we’ll ever see the closing of those gaps unless we meaningfully confront the problems of segregation,” Brown said. “You can’t separate the two.”

Unmet needs

A social worker in every grade? Perhaps for 10 Colorado elementary schools

PHOTO: Ann Schimke/Chalkbeat
Fifth-graders practice mindfulness at Munroe Elementary School in Denver.

Educators, parents, and social workers told of students struggling with depression, younger and younger children attempting suicide, and youths ending up in prison. A bill approved Thursday by a Colorado House committee would pay for a three-year trial to provide social and emotional help for elementary students in the hopes of addressing some of these challenges.

If approved by the full legislature and signed into law, the measure would create a three-year pilot program at 10 high-needs schools. It is estimated to cost about $5 million a year. House Bill 1017 would place social workers, counselors or psychologists in every elementary grade at the test schools starting next year.

In an impassioned presentation, bill sponsor state Rep. Dafna Michaelson Jenet, a Commerce City Democrat, said schools need more social workers “to stop our children from dying by suicide, from ending up incarcerated, from being failed by our system.”

Suicide is a leading cause of death among youth ages 10 to 24 in Colorado, and advocates of the bill said schools are often ill-equipped to deal with children suffering from trauma, bullying and behavioral challenges.

The bill was scaled back from an original version that would have cost $16 million a year. Michaelson Jenet said the nearly $5 million annual cost would be funded in part by $2.5 million from the state’s marijuana cash fund, with the rest from private foundations.

The National Association of Social Workers recommends one social worker for every 250 students, and one for every 50 students at high-needs schools.

Colorado schools don’t come close to those numbers.

About one-third of the state’s 178 school districts employed social workers during the 2016-17 school year, the most recent for which data was available from the Colorado Department of Education. Those districts represented about 89 percent of that year’s 905,000 pre-K through 12th grade students.

The nearly 590 social workers employed worked out to less than one full-time employee per 1,000 students.

Englewood’s Sheridan School District had three social workers for 1,511 students, while Yuma County had 1½ social workers for 807 students.

The two largest districts, Denver and Jefferson County, employed more than one-third of school social workers that year, with more than one social worker for every 1,000 students. Denver voters approved a 2016 tax to help pay for more social workers.

But many districts have no social workers. And most school social workers are stretched thin.

Jessie Caggiano is a social worker who serves more than 3,000 students at four high schools in Weld County.

“I’m not able to meet with students effectively on a one-on-one basis, because I’m trying to implement other services schoolwide,” she said. “I’m only at each of my schools one day a week, so I’m not able to meet their needs by any means.”

Darlene Sampson, president of the Colorado chapter of the Association of Black Social Workers, recalled working at a Denver school when a student was killed in the cafeteria.

“Many kids are carrying their trauma in their backpacks into the school,” Sampson said.

And Cam Short-Camilli, representing the Colorado School Social Work Association, said students are facing increased emotional problems at most schools. The increase in youth suicide and suicide attempts is especially difficult, she said. One Denver incident last fall attracted national attention.

“Every school district, every student is impacted, that’s rural, urban, suburban schools,” Short-Camilli said. “In the past five years, I’ve been at elementary schools, and it’s been extremely shocking. Kids at those schools, there’s an immense ripple effect.”

But state Rep. James Wilson, a Salida Republican, questioned whether the pilot program would be possible to replicate because of the high number of professionals needed.

“I’m sitting here feeling like the Grinch,” Wilson said. “I cannot bring myself to put together an unrealistic pilot. Will it really work in the real world?”

State Rep. Janet Buckner, an Aurora Democrat, also expressed concerns, but voted for the bill.

“I’m concerned how we’re going to fund it,” she sad. “The suicide rate is off the chart and our kids need so much help. I don’t think we can wait. I have a lot of phone calls and emails about this bill, people who really need the help.”

HB-1017 next goes to the Appropriations Committee before being considered by the full House, then the Senate. It is one of several measures aimed at offering help for students and their families beyond academics at public schools.

College Access

Michigan is struggling to put kids through college. So why is a promising solution stuck in first gear?

As an ambitious high school freshman in Illinois, Jasmin Wilson had a simple goal: rack up enough college credits to earn a two-year degree before she was 18.

Then her family moved to Michigan, and now that goal is out of the question. A tangle of state laws makes it hard for high schoolers to take classes at local colleges, an approach known to boost college graduation rates, even as lawmakers worry that too few Michiganders hold college degrees.

Those laws mean that students like Wilson cannot get an associate degree before graduation, unlike their peers in neighboring states.

“I think it’s ridiculous,” said Wilson, now an 18-year-old senior at Benjamin Carson High School of Science and Medicine. “There shouldn’t be a limit on how many courses you can take. I feel like they’re limiting students.”

A growing body of research suggests that the standard U.S. educational timeline — four years of high school followed, ideally, by four years of college — is badly out of date. So-called dual enrollment provides a major boost to rates of college enrollment, college and high school graduation, and even students’ academic performance in high school, according to a review of the evidence by federal education officials.

Many districts are recognizing the appeal of dual enrollment. Earlier this week, the Detroit Public Schools Community District announced plans to help more students take courses at a local community college.

But Michigan puts unusually strict limits on dual enrollment, capping the number of college courses students can take while attending high school at 10. The availability of such programs across the state is also limited by a funding system that requires Michigan’s already cash-strapped school districts to pay for dual enrollment courses, leading to gaps in access across the state.

Some education leaders are urging lawmakers to make dual enrollment easier.

“There’s a lot of positive things here,” said William Miller, executive director of the Michigan Association of Intermediate School Directors, referring to dual enrollment. “We haven’t in this state caught up to the rest of the nation.”

Although the number of participants in Michigan has grown in recent years, the rate of dual enrollment remains lower than advocates would like, with fewer than 1 in 6 Michigan high schoolers taking classes for college credit, Miller said. (Thousands more take Advanced Placement classes, which can also lead to college credit.)

More than 2 million U.S. high schoolers participate today, including 81,000 students in Michigan, and that number is growing. Early middle colleges — high schools that offer college courses in-house — have also expanded.

Yet Dave Dugger, executive director of the Washtenaw Educational Options Consortium, worries that the number of students enrolling in dual enrollment in Michigan could be slowing down.

Although some influential policymakers have expressed interest in dual enrollment, the idea hasn’t developed the popular support necessary to drive a major change to the deeply ingrained timeline on which American education is based.

“We’re a time-based system,” he said. “Everyone filters education through their educational experience, which tends to be 30 years behind the times.”

Dugger has spent the last 25 years creating dual enrollment programs and helping educational organizations build their own. He says it’s just common sense to allow motivated high school students to take the more challenging coursework offered in college.

And as advocates often point out, there are plenty of other perks.

By accumulating college credits in high school, students can save money on tuition, no small matter at a time when Michigan families are paying more than ever for college. The classes prepare them for the fast pace of college work. And crucially, they shorten the path to a college degree, increasing the odds that students will end up with a credential.

That fact alone might be enough to win a powerful ally in Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, who focused her State of the State address on Michigan’s relatively low rate of college completion.

“Dual enrollment becomes a contributor to increasing education attainment in the state,” said Doug Ross, Whitmer’s newly appointed senior advisor on higher education attainment and economic development. “As the full strategy is laid out for moving from roughly 43 percent [of Michiganders age 25 to 65 with a college degree] to 60 percent in the next decade, dual enrollment is an issue that will come on the table early in the process.”

The cap was put in place in 2005 to ensure that school districts wouldn’t be forced to pay too much for college courses. Districts don’t have to promote dual enrollment, but they can’t opt out of it, either.

The legislature has shown little interest in lifting the cap — the last effort to do so passed the state senate last year but did not pass the house. No bills introduced in the legislature this session would lift limits on dual enrollment, Miller said.

The problem that the cap sets out to solve could be fixed, in theory, with a carrot. Miller says the state should send extra funding to school districts who otherwise would have trouble making the case for dual enrollment.

But that proposal could run into trouble in the statehouse. The Republican legislature has voiced skepticism about new spending, while the Democratic governor is trying to find revenue for several major initiatives at once.

Sarah Anthony, a newly elected Democratic state representative from Lansing (her district does not include Michigan State University), is tired of waiting for people to grasp the stakes of this debate.

While lawmakers fail to come up with a solution, she said, far too few students are completing college. The effects are especially pronounced on students who, like her, are the first in their family to attend college.

“As you sit in some of these rooms, sometimes you have to step back and say, who’s looking out for students and families?” she said.