time for kids

New York City agrees to provide paid family leave to teachers

PHOTO: Alex Zimmerman
The United Federation of Teachers and city officials announced a new paid parental leave policy.

New York City will begin providing paid family leave to teachers, officials announced today, a victory for the United Federation of Teachers.

The city will pay full salary to birth, foster, adoptive, and surrogate parents for six weeks — covering about 120,000 union members. Combined with sick time, birth mothers will now be able to take 12 to 14 weeks of leave starting in September. The city estimates 4,000 parents annually will benefit.

The new policy is expected to cost the city $51 million. To help cover that cost, the city and the union agreed to extend their current contract for an additional two-and-a-half months past its expiration in November.

“It’s a fundamental matter of fairness to make sure that people have this opportunity,” said Mayor Bill de Blasio.

The decision follows heavy pressure from the teacher’s union, which has campaigned for a more generous policy for teachers since the city extended six weeks of fully paid time off to its non-union workforce in 2016, covering about 20,000 managerial employees. Paid leave had become a rare point of contention between the mayor and powerful teachers union — with the union president accusing the administration of sexism during a City Council hearing. 

“All we asked for was to be treated fairly when members of our own union bring children into their families,” UFT President Michael Mulgrew said Wednesday. “That wrong has finally been righted.”

The new policy also comes as the UFT braces for a Supreme Court ruling that could take a big bite out of the union’s ability to collect dues. Securing a victory on paid family leave could help demonstrate the union’s utility at a time when retaining members could become increasingly difficult.

Educators who work for the Department of Education, the city’s largest agency, previously had to use accrued sick days after having a baby — and that policy applied only to birth mothers, not educators who become parents through adoption or surrogacy.

The city has contended that the issue would be addressed during negotiations for the UFT contract. But Mulgrew has bristled at that, saying at a hearing in April that leave was “being used completely as a bargaining chip against our union.” The UFT’s membership is 77 percent female.

Top city officials have previously hinted that they planned to come up with a family leave policy, even if they have been reluctant to share details about what it could look like. “Obviously we’re not going to negotiate in public,” Carranza said last month. But, he added, “I will be very supportive of anything that helps [teachers].”

The battle for paid family leave was re-ignited by an online petition started by two Brooklyn teachers that had more than 80,000 signatures in the fall. After the teachers brought attention to the issue, the union took up the cause, sending out an “action alert” to members in November.

“We’ve chosen to dedicate our lives to helping children, so the irony is glaring that we don’t get any support when we’re having our own,” said Emily James, a Brooklyn high school teacher who was behind the viral petition. 

Even as strides in family leave have been made elsewhere, union officials said teachers were being left behind. New York state, for example, passed a mandatory paid leave policy that covered private employees as of 2018.

Taking leave under the old policy created hardship for parents. Mothers had to use sick days if they wanted paid time off after giving birth. But teachers earn only one sick day per school month worked: To save up for an eight-week leave, a teacher would have to work about four years without taking a sick day.

If a woman hasn’t accrued enough days, she can “borrow” days that she hasn’t accrued yet, up to 20 days. But if she or her children actually get sick, any days beyond the 20 must be taken unpaid. And borrowed sick days have to be repaid if the teacher leaves the education department.

Monica Disare and Christina Veiga contributed reporting. 

Charter strike

Chicago charter files federal labor complaint against union over strike

PHOTO: Yana Kunichoff / Chalkbeat Chicago
Chicago Alderman Ed Burke, left, met Dec. 7, 2018, with striking Acero teachers and their supporters, who were protesting at his office.

As the acrimonious teacher strike against Acero charter schools wound down its fourth day, both sides ratcheted up pressure, neither giving any indication of backing down.

The charter network sought a court order to halt the strike, and filed a federal complaint claiming that the strike was illegal.

Meanwhile, powerful Alderman Ed Burke, who represents areas heavy with Acero schools, addressed strikers who had marched into his office Friday.

“My heart is with you,” Burke told them. He promised to speak with Acero CEO Richard Rodriguez in an effort to end the strike before Monday, according to both Burke’s office and Acero.

Some 30 teachers and parents wedged into the foyer of Burke’s office between a lit-up Christmas tree and a statute of a horse wearing a green beanie labeled “Ald. Ed Burke.”

They demanded that he use his clout to pressure Rodriguez to agree to teachers’ contract demands, among them smaller class sizes and better compensation for teachers and paraprofessionals. Later Friday, Acero issued a statement confirming that the two, political allies, had met. The network did not explain the content or nature of the discussion.

About 500 teachers have been striking since Tuesday, with 7,500 students out of school. Seven of Acero’s 15 schools are in Burke’s ward.

Acero filed an unfair labor practices complaint against the Chicago Teachers Union and is appealing to the National Labor Relations Board to halt the strike. The charter management organization also sought a temporary restraining order to force teachers back to work. You can read the NLRB complaint below.

In response, CTU President Jesse Sharkey said in a press release, “Acero’s management is desperate and our pressure is working.” He insisted that the strike is a legal protest over wages and working conditions.

In response to strikers’ accusations that Rodriguez is uninvolved in the negotiations, Acero also issued a statement insisting that Rodriguez had met with management negotiators throughout the talks. Union officials have complained of Rodriguez being absent from the bargaining table.

Acero’s roots

Acero, once the nation’s largest Hispanic charter school operator, sprang from a community organizing tool to build Latino political power on Chicago’s Southwest side.

The history of Acero illustrates how charter schools in Chicago are intertwined in local politics, and how their growth would have been impossible without political support.

The United Neighborhood Organization was founded in 1984 by a Jesuit priest who recognized the struggle of immigrants in Chicago’s fast-growing Mexican-American community. Soon a South Side community organizer named Danny Solis joined and turned the organization’s focus first to local school politics and eventually to citywide influence.

Over the years, UNO’s power in neighborhoods grew as it nurtured local leaders like Juan Rangel, who eventually became CEO of the network. Both Rangel and Solis also ran for aldermanic positions, with Solis eventually winning an appointment in 1995 as alderman of the 25th ward, which encompassed the Pilsen neighborhood.

Rangel, meanwhile, had worked his way to the head of UNO just as then-Mayor Richard Daley and his school leadership team were ushering in an era of school choice in Chicago, and looking for community groups to take up the mantle.

“When charters emerged, UNO was one of the first entries into the charter market,” said Stephanie Farmer, a professor of sociology at Roosevelt University who researches charter school finance. “They did work their political connections to get state funding.”

UNO first proposed two charter schools in 1997.  Two decades later, it runs 15 schools spread across both the Southwest and Northwest sides of the city.

Enter Ed Burke. Halfway through an ambitious construction project for a new campus, UNO ran out of money and was forced to turn to its political allies, among them Burke, who helped the network get a $65 million low-interest loan from bankers. Several years later, Rangel supported Burke’s brother in his run for an Illinois House seat.

Farmer called this a clear example of the benefits of political patronage, without which Acero could not have grown as much as it has.

“They became patronage benefactors. It was both a way for UNO to build political power and then also a way for Burke to solidify his relations with the Latino political machine,” she said. “They were the only [charter school] who got as much state money as they did for the buildings.”

Rangel’s tenure at UNO ended abruptly and in disgrace. Accused of nepotism and misusing public funds, and under investigation by the Securities and Exchange Commission, he quit.

The charter school arm of UNO formally separated from the organization in 2013 and, in 2015, renamed itself the UNO Charter School Network (UCSN). In 2017, it rebranded itself as Acero in an effort to distance itself from Rangel’s misdeeds.

Today, charters in Chicago face a harsher climate than they did during Acero’s initial expansion.

Chicago Public Schools recommended this week that the school board deny all new charter applications for the next school year, bending to the political tide rising against the independently operated public schools. And the state’s new governor, Democratic businessman J.B. Pritzker, said while campaigning that he supported a moratorium on new charters.

But Burke’s ability to call Acero’s CEO and encourage him to come to an agreement shows that politics may still play a significant role in the charter industry.

It also shows a more critical turn both toward machine politics and education in Chicago, Farmer said,  “The strikers are highlighting that Burke’s machine doesn’t work for the ward’s children.”



money matters

Indiana Gov. Eric Holcomb proposes pumping brakes on teacher pay, cutting performance bonuses

PHOTO: Shaina Cavazos/Chalkbeat

As educators and lawmakers call for increases in teacher pay, Indiana Gov. Eric Holcomb is suggesting a far more measured approach, potentially tempering expectations that meaningful raises could be possible in the coming two years.

In his legislative agenda announced Thursday, Holcomb proposed devoting 2019 to studying teacher pay — how much money would be needed, how the state can ensure districts direct funds to salaries, and what amount makes Indiana competitive with surrounding states. He suggested that actual raises might not come until following years.

“We want to do it right, and it’s a big number. We have some ground to make up here,” Holcomb, a Republican entering his third year as governor, said. “And we want to … make sure we are showing local communities that the state is investing in them. We want them to have local control.”

It’s not clear if lawmakers will go along with this plan, however, as some have already made strong calls for upping teacher pay, which even by conservative estimates would probably cost the state hundreds of millions of dollars.

Democrat Phil GiaQuinta, the House Minority Leader from Fort Wayne, said the governor should take bolder steps to “increase teacher pay right now. We don’t need to study this issue before making a final decision.”

With the upcoming year projected to have a tight budget and little new revenue available, Holcomb also proposed eliminating $30 million in annual performance bonuses for teachers, and he is not supporting an increase in state money for pre-Kindergarten.

Instead, Holcomb is suggesting to split the $30 million bonus pool in two other efforts that his administration said are more equitable and impactful: sending about $20 million per year in overall state aid for districts, and putting the remaining $10 million per year toward increasing teachers’ school supply tax credit, from $100 to $500.

His decision to not support an increase in pre-K funding is a departure from years past, and flies in the face of advocates calling for Indiana to make pre-K accessible statewide to 4-year-olds from low-income families. In 2017, Holcomb was a key force in the decision to nearly double the state’s investment in its pre-K voucher program, known as On My Way Pre-K.

Essentially, officials with the Holcomb administration said Indiana can do more with the $20 million per year that it’s already spending on pre-K. One goal would be adding 500 students to the program each year by widening application windows and creating a website where families can apply for the vouchers, rather than in person during business hours. The program, currently serving about 3,000 students across 20 counties, is heading into the fourth year of its five-year pilot.

Officials from Holcomb’s office said that available federal dollars have increased from prior years, putting less pressure on the state to set aside more money. The state is also pursuing another federal grant, which could bring in up to $10 million to help preschool providers identify and address gaps in their current offerings.

Then, in 2021, officials would ask for more state dollars to expand the program to more counties and families, Holcomb’s staff said. Last month, House Speaker Brian Bosma said he would support adding more money to the program so long as it was focused on low-income families, but he also raised the possibility that the state might have to rely on federal funding.

Lawmakers can choose whether to follow Holcomb’s lead, but the governor doesn’t craft legislation. He can, however, veto bills at the end of the General Assembly’s session.

Holcomb, a Republican entering his third year as governor, did not outline exactly what he wants to spend on K-12 through 2021, deferring those specifics until the state releases its final revenue forecast of the year, although he did call for adding dollars to the state’s overall school funding. A budget proposal from the governor’s office is expected in early January.

The governor also wants to:

  • Set aside about $3 million per year to fund computer science training for teachers.
  • Move up the date to appoint the state’s next schools chief, from 2025 to 2021.
  • Require students to enroll in a one-semester class as freshman or sophomores that introduces them to college and career planning.
  • Change the career and technical education funding formula to favor classes that result in students earning a certificate or credential before they graduate.
  • Loosen the rules for workplace specialist licenses, which allow people with experience in skilled trades to become high school CTE teachers.

The rest of Holcomb’s agenda revolved around workforce development, expanding the state’s trail system, combating the health and mental effects of substance abuse, and creating a hate crimes law.

Read more from Chalkbeat: ‘Indiana’s war on teachers is winning’: Here’s what superintendents say is causing teacher shortages

Indiana’s push to raise teacher pay is creating some unlikely allies

Indiana faces a tight budget in 2019, lawmakers say. Will expanding pre-K be in the cards?